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TEE 


MARCH OF THE TEN THOUSAND 


THE MARCH 
me THE TEN THOUSAND 


BEING 


A TRANSLATION OF THE ANABASIS 


PRECEDED BY 


A LIFE -OF XENOPHON 


BY 


iG DAIKYEN SS, DICA: 


London 
MACMILLAN AND CoO.,, LimirEepD 


NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 


IQOI 


Reprinted with corrections from Volume I. of ‘‘ The Works of Xenophon,” 
Translated by H. G. Dakyns, M.A. 4 vols. Crown 8vo 
(Wacmillan and Co., 1890). 


PREPATORY, NOUGE 


I OUGHT to explain the nature of the present publica- 
tion. It consists of a sketch of the Life of Xenophon 
and a translation of the Azadaszs (with maps and 
index), which, along with much other matter now ex- 
cluded, formed the earliest volume of my translation of 
Xenophon’s works, 

As to the object of this reprint, it has been pointed 
out to me that there are many readers to whom a 
version of Xenophon’s most famous work, The March 
of the Ten Thousand, would be welcome, if presented in 
a more accessible shape. 

As to the Life, which I have once more ventured to 
insert, it will form, I hope, a not unfitting Introduction 
to the author’s treatise. Xenophon’s Azabaszs was, in 
the opinion of the greatest ancient critics, not only 
a true story of heroic adventure ; but, by a somewhat 
subtle interblending of “truth and poetry,” a kind of 
Apologia. In my own contribution towards the biography 
of the man and the history of the times in which he 
lived, I trust I have at any rate helped to provide the 
younger generation with sufficient data for a just ap- 
preciation of the author: his character as a man, his 


THE MARCH OF THE TEN THOUSAND 


genius as a soldier, his true position in the several 
spheres of politics, philosophy, and letters. 

The opportunity has been taken to make sundry 
minor corrections both in the Life and in the Axadaszs, 
but I have made no attempt to recast the one or the 
other as a whole. As I have already said, this is a 
reprint, not a revised edition. 

Hy-GetD: 


HASLEMERE, Jay 1901. 


NOTE 


The larger edition of Zhe Works of Xenophon, translated 
by H. G, Dakyns, 4 vols. Cr. 8vo (Macmillan and Co.), 
is referred to in the following pages thus: ‘‘ Xen. Works, 
Tevetci 


CONTENTS 


NOTE EXPLANATORY OF MAPS 
A SKETCH OF XENOPHON’S LIFE 
THE ANABASIS, Book I. 

Book II. 

Book III. 

BOOK IV. 

Book V. 

Book VI. 

Book VII. 


INDEX 


NOTE ON ANABASIS V. III. 4 . 


PAGE 


- Next page 


NOTE EXPLANATORY OF MAPS 


PART OF BABYLONIA. [Zo face p. 38. 


This is taken from Edward Stanford's map, based on surveys of ancient 
Babylonia, etc., made, by order of the Government of India in 1860 to 
1865, by Commander W. Beaumont Selby, Lieutenant W. Collingwood, and 
Lieutenant J. B. Bewsher ; with others made by Felix Jones, I.N., compiled 
by order of H.M. Secretary of State for India in Council by Trelawney 
Saunders, F.R.G.S., Geographical Assistant India Office, 1885. 


THE COUNTRY AROUND SCILLUS. [To face p. 140. 


This map is drawn chiefly from that accompanying the account of excava- 
tions at Olympia by Kaupert and Dorpfeld, supplemented from the 1: 300,000 
map of Greece issued by the Military Geographical Institute of Vienna. 
Ancient sites and roads are shown in red. Heights, of which but few are 
obtainable, are expressed in English feet above the level of the sea. 


ROUTE OF THE TEN THOUSAND. [Zo face p. 240. 


Chiefly from Dr. H. Kiepert’s map of the Asiatic Provinces of the Ottoman 
Empire, published in 1884, and the route maps of Dr. Sterrett, published in 
1886. The route has been carefully laid down in accordance with present 
topographical knowledge of the country, and where it differs from the route, 
as drawn on Dr. Kiepert’s latest wall map of the Persian Empire, that route 
is shown by broken red lines, Better surveys are required before we can 
satisfactorily lay down the tracks between the Pylae Syriae and Thapsacus, 
and between the Phasis and Gymnias. 


A SKETCH OF XENOPHON’S LIFE 


B.C. 
circa 431, BIRTH.—(The first year of the Peloponnesian War. ) 


431-424, INFANCY (ae¢. 1-7). —Till the eighth year of the war, his life 
was probably spent in Athens, at any rate during spring 
and summer. 


423-415, BOYHOOD (aef. 8-16).—Spent possibly partly in the country (at 
Erchia, modern Sfaéa); religious training 7 marplw vou 
(Anad. VII. viii. 5, see below, p. 237); old-Attic vocabu- 
lary ; education in povotkh ypdpmara yuuvaorixy ; gnomic ; 
sophistic ; may have ‘‘heard”’ Prodicus of Ceos; introduction 
to Socrates. 


415-413, YOUTH (def. 16-18). —Socratic training, illustrated by AZemorad., 
Symp., Oeconom. 


413-411 (aef. 18-20).—Hunting education, illustrated by Cymegetica. 


411-405 (def. 20-26).—Political interests, illustrated by Hellenica, 1. and 
II. (A). 

405-403, YOUNG MANHOOD (aet. 26-28).—/N.&. There are two conversa- 
tions in Adem. (II. viii., vii.), named as belonging respect- 
ively to the end of the war, 4o5 B.c., and the ‘“‘year of 
anarchy,’’ 404-403. 

403-401 (det. 28-30).—Political prospects, from the amnesty to Cyreian 
expedition. Cymegetica possibly published now; and the 
portion of He//., I.-II. iii. ro (see Xen. Works, I. pp. 1-50; 
also Note C on Hell., p. lviii. foll.), constituting the mapa)eu- 
mowevaor sequel to Thucydides, being got ready for publication, 


401-399, MANHOOD (aet. 30-32).—/Voruit; the advance with Cyrus and 
the retreat of the Ten Thousand ; the Thracian campaign ; 
surrender of the remnant of the Cyreians, six thousand men, 
to Thibron; illustrated by Anat. and Cyrop., also Hell, 
Ill. (B). 

399-394 (aet. 32-37).—Uncertain movements at this date (spring of 
399 B.c.); Hell. I. and II. (A) published (?) ; Asiatic cam- 
paigns with Spartan harmosts, Thibron (?), Dercylidas, 
Agesilaus; marriage; exile; sons; return to Europe, 
394 B.C. before Coronea ; illustrated by /Ze//. III. iv. (B). 


b 


il 


B.c. 


394-387 (aed. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON 


37-44).—With Agesilaus in Sparta and campaigning (?) ; 
sons educated in Spartan training; till perhaps peace of 
Antalcidas (?); illustrated by Ae//. IV. v. 1-36 (B); and 
Lac. Pol. 


387-371, MIDDLE AGE (ae¢. 44-60).—Presented (now or perhaps earlier, 


371-369 (aet. 


369-362 (aed. 


362-354, OLD 


389 B.C.) by Spartan authorities, with a house and farm at 
Scillus, where he resides for many years, acting probably as 
proxenus for his adopted state ; intellectual /lorvwzt, great 
literary period ; illustrated by all his writings in some form 
or other. Many, eg. Memor., Symp., Oceconom., Hero, 
were here published ; the material for the remaining portions 
of the Hellenica was being got together currente calamo ; 
and material for later works, some of which were nearly 
ready for publication, e.g. Anadasis, revised, 


60-62).—Battle of Leuctra; the Amaéasis published after 
expulsion from Scillus, and Hedlenica B (= Fell. II. iii. 11 — 
V. i. 36), perhaps in the year 37z B.c., after Leuctra, 
possibly at Corinth, where the family finally settled. The 
sons going back to Athens after the decree of banishment was 
rescinded, probably in 369 B.c., served in the Athenian 
cavalry at Mantinea 362 B.C. 


62-69).—Banishment rescinded ; literary labours continued 
at Corinth (or possibly at times at Athens); Hzpparchikos 
(or a Cavalry General's Manual), with its sequel the zepl 
immxfs (tract on Horsemanship), both published; the Cyro- 
paedia and Hellenica C (= Hell. V. ii. to end) put into shape 
and finally published between. 365 and 357 B.c. (epilogue 
to Cyrop. after 364); death of Gryllus before Mantinea 
362 B.C. 


AGE (aet. 69-77).—The Agesilaus, B.C. 357 circa. His last 
work, the IIépou or tract on Revenues, published 355 B.C. 


circa 354, DEATH (ae¢. 77).—He died at Corinth (tradition says) ; see Demetr. 


Magn., ap. Diog. Laert. Lzfe of Xenophon. 


“THE SAGE AND HEROIC XENOPHON.”—GIBBON. 


ts Life may as properly be called an art as any other ; and the great incidents 
in it are no more to be considered as mere accidents, than the several 
members of a fine statue or a noble poem.’’—FIELDING. 


BoYHOoD AND EARLY MANHOOD, 431-401 B.C. ; INFANCY, 431-424 ; Boy- 
HOOD, 423-415; YOUTH, 415-405: YOUNG MANHOOD, 405-401 B.C. 


XENOPHON was an Athenian, of the déme (or borough town) 
Erchia, and therefore a fellow-townsman of his illustrious 
contemporary Isocrates. His father was named Gryllus, his 
mother probably Diodora.!_ By his own marriage he had two 
sons, named respectively Gryllus and Diodorus. They were 
famous in their day, and were popularly called the Dioscuri, 
or great twin brethren. Possibly they were twins. But of 
them presently. 

The date of Xenophon’s birth is, as elsewhere? explained, 
uncertain. For the purpose of this sketch it is assumed that 
he was born about the commencement of the Peloponnesian 
war in 431 B.C. (possibly a little earlier; not improbably even 
somewhat later). 

With regard to his early bringing-up, the status of his 
family, the means and occupation of his father, we know next 
to nothing. It is commonly believed that Xenophon was 
qualified to serve as a knight. Tradition? says that he did so 
serve. He had all the tastes of an Athenian country gentle- 
man or yeoman, of the type presented to us by his own 
Ischomachus,‘ devoted to dogs and horses, and the breeding 

1 See Roquette, de Vit. Xen., Append. II., ‘‘de Xen. Matre,”’ p. tog foll. 


2 See Xen. Works, I. p. xlix. Note B. 
3 Diog. Laert. ii. 5, Vit. Socr. 7; Strabo, IX, ii. 7. 4 See Oecon. vi. 17. 


iV SKETCH OF THE 


and training of these, and to hunting as a preliminary to 
warfare.! He took horses with him on the famous expedition 
under Cyrus; and it was he who, at a critical moment,” 
organised the small squadron of forty horse, which proved so 
effective during the retreat. His interest in this branch of the 
service is unceasing, and is evident in many passages of his 
works. As an old campaigner he seems to have taken 76 
immuxov under his special protection, and he ended by writing 
two companion treatises on the subject, the earlier of which, 
“* A General of Cavalry,” is addressed apparently to one of the 
hipparchs for the year at Athens—possibly about 365 B.c.— 
when his two sons were serving as knights in the state cavalry. 
If this was the status of the family, we may suppose that his 
parents had means ; and it is clear* that Xenophon set off on 
the expedition above named in quest of glory and adventure 
rather than of wealth. The question, as we shall see, is 
important in reference rather to his political leanings than to 
his economical surroundings. 

We may, perhaps, assume that the boy was reared in 
easy circumstances and as befitted a Kadds te Kayalds,* a 
“beautiful and good” citizen of Athens. We may assume 
further that he was piously and healthily brought up. The 
grown man, we know, was religiously and healthily disposed ;° 
and the child, we suspect, was herein father to the man. But 
we have also a suggestive anecdote which throws light on the 
family worship in the home of Xenophon in the rural déme 
of Erchia. It is recounted on page 237 of this volume, and 
I need not repeat it; but it is noticeable that Zeus Aezlichios, 
to whom the old family soothsayer Eucleides bids Xenophon 
sacrifice ‘‘in the ancestral fashion,” is the same god who was 
honoured in the festival of the Diasia ;® and the incident may 

buCivde hk Lg. 2 See below, p. 83 foll. 

3 See below, pp. 171, 181. 

4 See Becker, Charicles, Excursus to § 1, ‘‘ Education.” 

© See Diog. Laert. Life of Xen. ; Anab. passim. 

6 The Diasia was a country festival existent long before the festival of 
Olympic Zeus, as Cylon in his attempt upon the Acropolis found out to his 
cost. And, to skip from grave to gay, the name recalls not only the tragic end 
of Cylon, but the tragico - comical experiences of the old Athenian country 


gentleman in the play (Aristoph. Clouds, 408 foll., 864) trying to soften the 
obdurate heart of his horse-racing youngster by reminding him how, when he 


LIFE OF XENOPHON v 


even throw a ray of light on the old-Attic propensities (etymo- 
logical or other) of our author. 

We may further surmise that the health of his body was no 
less thought of than that of his soul. The love of field 
exercises and the chase, the belief in bodily training and the 
salutary effects of toil, summed up in one of his mottoes ovdev 
dvev tép@ros, date back to childhood. 

If he was born in 431 B.c. and was in Attica at all, the 
first years of his life, or a great part of each year, must haye 
been spent inside the city walls. The distances in that whole 
country are indeed so small that the owner of an estate even 
at Thoricus might have returned to his farm at intervals after 
the Laconian troops had done their work of devastation for 
one year, and before they returned on the same errand the 
next, so that the child may well have breathed fresh air 
during some months in every year. 

He gives no hint, nor indeed had he perhaps any vivid 
recollection, of the earlier troubles incidental to the “ Archi- 
damic” war. He is equally silent touching things which he 
might well have recollected as he grew in years. As far as 
was a little boy and could only lisp, his father had bought him a little go-cart 
at the festival of the Diasia. Strepsiades, the father, bears no further resem- 
blance to Gryllus than that he is an old man from the country ; nor, except 
in his love for horses, does Pheidippides recall Xenophon. (He is more like 
a famous Athenian, with whom Xenophon has been sometimes confounded, 
Alcibiades.) But, for the peep into Attic life which it affords, with its con- 
trasts of old and new, rustic and polite, during the age of the Sophists, the 
whole play is an apt commentary upon the times of Xenophon’s boyhood. 

The anecdote of the Axaésasis is suggestive not only of a religious but of 
an old-fashioned style of bringing-up; and, if I am not mistaken, even the 
phraseology of Xenophon bears an impress also of that ancient style of educa- 
tion so much commended by the Dikaios Logos in the play already referred 
to. How is it that Xenophon is so glib in the use of old Attic words and 
inflections? why is it a chance whether he will say wem@o@ac or xexrijcba, 
and why does he persist in writing Bedéwy, dpéwy, etc. ? Why does he call 
the goddess of dawn Has as the poets do, and not “Hws as the rest of the world 
does? I know that there are other answers to the question, but I cannot help 
thinking that it is because, at an age at which the boy could only lisp, such 


were the sounds familiar to his ears in his father’s family, and amongst the 
peasantry on the eastward face of Brilessus (Pentelicus), in the rural déme 


of Erchia. 

1 Tt was no great distance from Athens to Erchia (not nearly so far as to 
Thoricus) if, as is supposed, the site of the déme is that of the modern Spata. 
By the modern road it cannot be more than seventeen or eighteen miles. 


See map. 


vi SKETCH OF THE 


foreign invasions were concerned, his out-door training might 
well have begun in earnest at the age of seven (the eighth 
year of the war), 424 B.c., and have heen continued steadily 
till the first year of the « Deceleian” war, 413 B.c., when he 
would be eighteen years of age. Then for ten years it must 
have ceased entirely, or nearly so. In his tract on hunting 
(which as some think was his earliest work) * he says in a style 
somewhat pedagogic for so youthful a writer: ‘‘ My advice to 
the young is, do not despise hunting or the other training of 
your boyhood, if you wish to grow up to be good men, good 
not only in war, but in all else of which the issue is perfection 
in thought, word, and deed.” And before plunging into 
practical details, he adds: “The first efforts of a youth 
emerging from boyhood should be directed to the institution of 
the chase ; after which he should come to the rest of education 
—provided he have the means and with an eye to the same ; if 
his means be ample, in a style worthy of the profit to be 
derived ; or, if they be scant, let him at any rate contribute 
enthusiasm, in nothing falling short of the power he possesses.” 

Whether he himself enjoyed this education, or is only incul- 
cating what he regarded as desirable, and was able eventually 
to give to his own sons at the proper time of life, we cannot 
say. What we can say is that his description of the chase in 
this treatise (as far as coursing hares is concerned) would suit 
the slopes and gullies of the Attic mountains (of Parnes, 
Pentelicus, and Hymettus) no less than the scenery of the 
Triphylia, of Pholoe and the hills which stand about Olympia. 

Apart, however, from this exceptional form of gymnastic, 
and provided always that his boyhood ? was spent in Attica and 
Athens, we may suppose that he was subjected to the common 
training of young Athenians at that time. ‘We have been 
companions in the chorus, the school, the army,” is the telling 
appeal with which the herald of the mws¢az, Cleocritus, chal- 
lenges the city party on a memorable occasion to cease strife 
with the exiles in Piraeus.? We may picture Xenophon as a 


1 See Cyneg. i. 18; ii. 1. If this was really an early work, I think it must 
have been re-handled and re-edited in middle age. See below, p. Ixxvii. 

2 See a story in Philostratus, V7z¢, Soph. i. 12, according to which he lived 
part of the time as a captive in Boeotia. 3 See Hell. Il. iv. 20 


LIFE OF XENOPHON vil 


boy sharing in choruses, or wending his way to school, or 
going through the exercises of the palaestra and gymnasium 
with the Gritobulases and Euthydemuses, who were his fellows, 
just as when older he probably shared in military drill and 
service—whether with horse or shield—and in the first instance 
perhaps among the zepirodo.! At school he would learn 
ypdppara and povorky and yupvactiKj, according to the system 
in vogue. He would come to know the poets—Theognis and 
Hesiod and Epicharmus—and, beyond all, Homer. In all 
ways he was brought up, I think, in the ancient style, as far as 
was then possible, and whatever else was the result of this 
education, the main point was secured. The young man had 
formed in his breast the image of Aidds. For the rest his 
training in the new learning of the Sophists was, for a youth of 
his temperament, by no means detrimental. Rather it was of 
the best. It is quite possible that, like Callias or Proxenus,? 
he paid fees to some one of the professors to whom he intro- 
duces us in the Memorabilia and elsewhere. Perhaps Dionyso- 
dorus taught him tactics. Perhaps he heard Prodicus of Ceos. 
But it was a greater than Prodicus who truly initiated him 
into such philosophy as he was capable of, and who taught 
him how to discover the first principles not of strategics only 
but of a much higher art—that of right living—and of xado- 
xayaGia in general. ‘This teacher, himself the greatest of the 
Sophists, and yet in a deep sense antagonistic to all other 
professors of wisdom—one also to whom he certainly paid no 
fees of money—it need hardly be said, was Socrates. 

At what age Xenophon came under the influence of this 
friend and teacher, we cannot tell; we may suppose, however, 
that he was emerging from boyhood, and had done with pazda- 
gégot, in the technical sense, when this new and spiritualising 
influence was brought to bear upon him, If we are to guess 
at a date, we might choose that famous year 415 B.c. (the 
seventeenth of the war), in which the expedition sailed for 
Sicily, and Alcibiades, being accused of profaning the mysteries, 
was condemned to death in his absence. Socrates himself 


1 A sort of horse patrol composed of young Athenians between eighteen 


and twenty to guard the frontier. 
2 See Symp. v. 4, 62; Anab. V. vi. 16, p. 141; Mem, III. i. 1, I. i, 21. 


vili SKETCH OF THE 


would then have been fifty-three, Plato would have been four- 
teen, Alcibiades about thirty-four, and Xenophon about six- 
teen. Whenever it happened and however the introduction 
came about, the change wrought in the young man’s disposi- 
tion was deep and permanent. ‘The story is prettily told by 
Diogenes Laertius, and with so clear a ring of poetic truth 
that we need not stay to inquire whether the particular in- 
cident occurred. This is how the biographer recounts the 
matter: ‘Xenophon was modest of mien, and surpassingly 
fair to look upon. ‘Tradition tells how Socrates met him in 
a narrow way, and stretching his staff athwart him, so as to 
bar his passage, plied him with inquiries as to where this or 
that commodity was to be purchased, to all which questions 
the boy answered fluently ; when the sage at length put to him 
a final question, ‘And where are the fair and noble to be 
found?’ The boy shook his head? in perplexity. Then said 
he, ‘Follow me, and be taught.’ So he followed him, and 
thereafter became his hearer.” 2 

The question so propounded became indeed the problem 
of Xenophon’s life. Where are the xadot xdyaOoi to be found ? 
And what is that perfection of combined beauty and goodness, 
displaying itself in beautiful and good deeds, otherwise called 
virtue? That to some extent he solved it will perhaps be 
admitted by whoever has noted the distinctive quality of his 
writings and the persistent ambition of his life. The answer 
which the “inspirer” himself was prepared to give to his 
“hearer” may in part be read in the Recollections and other 
“Socratic ” writings of Xenophon; and still more largely in 
the dialogues of Plato. The attitude meanwhile of the pupil 
to his friend during ten or fifteen years of his life is easy to 
picture.* 


Beit: “raised his brows,” precisely as a modern Greek does, expressing 
blank surprise. 2 Diog. Laert. Life, § 2. 

8 It has indeed been pictorially represented by that most famous painter of the 
Renaissance, whose sympathetic mind unerringly interpreted to him the spirit of 
the Greeks. In Rafael’s School of Athens, among the six or seven figures which 
compose the Socratic group, that of Socrates himself is so truly depicted as to 
form a companion to the portrait of the philosopher as drawn by Alcibiades in 
the Symposium of Plato. Of the rest, none are more truthful to the imagination 
than those of Alcibiades and Xenophon. The helmeted mail-clad warrior 
facing the philosopher with exquisite proud poise, indicative of a graceful 


LIFE OF XENOPHON 1x 


The best commentary on this period of Xenophon’s dife is 
to be found in his own Socratic writings, and chiefly in the 
Memorabilia, ‘That work is an honest attempt to explain the 
character and position of Socrates to a public who seemed to 
misconceive of him; and, being based mainly on the writer’s 
personal recollections, is replete with autobiographic matter. 
It must be borne in mind, however, that none of these writings 
were published, nor in any technical sense composed, until long 
after the death of Socrates, which took place in 399 B.C. 
Even the most matter-of-fact of them, therefore, the A/emora- 
bilia, cannot escape a certain colouring. Socrates is seen 
through a vista of years. The young man’s memoranda, how- 
ever faithfully preserved, represent also the mature reflections of 
one who has himself gone through many experiences, since as 
a youth he sat in some saddler’s shop and imbibed words of 
wisdom, and whose own character is formed. With this 
caution we may well turn over the pages of the AZemorabilia, 
etc., in confidence that the story of Xenophon’s own deeper 
education lies therein. ‘There is, indeed, one specially autobio- 
graphic passage,! in which the author names himself as an 
interlocutor in a conversation (which took place between 
Socrates and Critobulus), the subject of which may be called 
“the danger of a kiss.” Possibly Socrates had observed in 
Xenophon a certain propensity, which in his ironic fashion he 
thus set himself to counteract. The incident appears to have 
clung to the mind of him whose judgment was appealed to. 

Besides this, there are endless occasions on which Xeno- 
phon suggests his own presence at a conversation by such 
phrases as, “I will here mention what I once heard him say 
about the divine power ;”? or, ‘‘ As I listened to these sayings 
I could not but reflect that he himself had attained, whilst we 
his hearers were being Jed onwards, to true happiness ;”? or 
again, in order to show how Socrates helped his friends out of 


self-confidence on the very verge of insolence, is unmistakable; but beside 
the latter, with back-turned face, hanging on his lips, is a youth with rosy 
cheeks and auburn hair; he leans on one arm in a brooding attitude ; his eyes 
are set in deep, earnest, religious gaze. ‘That is Xenophon, the future apologist 
of the life of Socrates, treasuring one of the discussions of the Memorabilia. 

1 Mem. I. iii. 12. a Tip, Te ah ER 

S27) minavineaneoimeleayinee 5p) lara Tay Ivana inv iu Vice cle 


x SKETCH OF THE 


their difficulties, varying the treatment to suit the need of the 
case, he recounts three or four stories, ‘‘ which he can personally 
vouch for” (épd 6é Kal ev tovrous &' cbvoida abt). The two 
first of these are, it so happens, the only two in the whole 
collection of which the exact date is given in so many words— 
the one is named as belonging to the end of the war 405 B.c., 
and the other to the year of division which followed—before 
the city party and the party of Piraeus had healed their dif- 
ferences.2, To others we can approximately assign the date 
through internal evidence; some are dateless. But our 
suspicion is that the mass of these conversations which Xeno- 
phon recounts on his personal authority belong to his maturity, 
say to the years 411 B.C. and onwards. 

By that date (411 B.c.) Xenophon had doubtless begun to 
take an interest in politics (as what Athenian did not ?), and 
was perhaps meditating some essay in literature. ‘The prospect 
of continuing the history of Thucydides had not as yet dawned 
upon him: nor could he as yet foresee the need which would 
come of writing an apology for Socrates. But I make no 
doubt that he already had an eye to current affairs ; and in 
the spirit of Boswell was duly taking notes of conversations 
which he felt to be of permanent interest. 

It may be hard at times, as already suggested, to distinguish 
between the later reflections of the middle-aged man of letters 
and the original impressions of curious youth; but the fact 
remains incontestable that this was the period of seedtime. 
The particular word or words in which the good seed was 
sown ; the exact moment (to use a more Socratic phrase) at 
which birth was given to some struggling idea, we may not be 
able to discover ; but we have Xenophon’s own testimony to 
the educational effect of this discourse or that discussion upon 
the minds of those who, like himself, consorted with Socrates, 
and we can hardly doubt that he was generalising from his 
own experience. If he says that to listen to such and such 
remarks was to be led on a step farther in the direction of 
kaAoxayadia, or self-restraint, or wisdom, or courage, or trust 
in the Gods, or belief in the omnipresence of Divinity, or 
acquiescence in the supreme will, he means that he himself 


1 Mem. Il. vii., viii., ix., x. 1. 2 See Hell. II. iv. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON xl 


must admit that in his experience it was so; and hence it is 
with a genuine outburst of affection, betokening a deep sense 
of his own indebtedness and loss that he speaks of the very 
recollection of Socrates as in itself an inspiration to good 
conduct. “Amongst those who were brought into communion 
with Socrates and recognised his greatness, all true lovers of 
virtue still to this day cease not to lament his incomparable 
loss with bitterest regret ; as for one who, as none else could, 
helped them in the pursuit of perfection. For my part, when 
I think of him and what he was like . . .”1 

The qualities which he admired most in Socrates were his 
spirituality ; his faith and sense of proportion in matters divine 
and matters temporal; his sincerity and independence ; his 
horror of quackery and self-deceit ; his educational ardour in 
behalf of all who consorted with him; the purity of his aim 
and methods; his enthusiasm in the service of the world at 
large ; his subordination of all virtues, whether of the intellectual 
or of the practical type, to healthiness of soul (cwdpoctvy).? 

Further to point what has been said. The biographical, 
that is to say, the autobiographical importance, in a general 
sense, of the AZemorabilia (as of the other Socratic writings of 
Xenophon), can hardly be exaggerated; but there is need 
of discrimination before we can say that such and such a 
conversation throws light upon the youth and early. manhood 
of Xenophon. Thus, if we consider the nature of the dis- 


1 See Mem. IV. viii. 11 foll. 

2 Some of the good words now sown, which were destined to bear fruit 
eventually, may readily be picked out. They recur frequently in the writings 
of Xenophon. They are his adopted formulae— one might speak of them 
as talismans. Such is the Heszodic gnome xaddvvapuuy to which Socrates gave 
new currency; or the Xenophontine motto, ody Oeots: or this: dmd ray 
Ocdv dpxecba. Some are tests of the spirit, suited to self-examination, such 
as : ‘‘ Be what you would fain be thought to be’’; or this, ‘‘ What am I worth 


to my friend?” Others are compendious moral maxims: ‘‘Self-mastery is 
the kelson of virtue ;” ‘‘ Virtues grow by knowledge (and practice).’’ One is 
the master’s own prayer, and the pupil did well to remember it. ‘‘ Give me 
what is best for me, for ye know what good things are.’’—Jem. I. ill. 2; cf. 


Plat. Adczd. ii. 143 A-— 
Zed Bacireb, Ta ev EgOAd Kal edxouevors Kal dvevKTors 
“Aue didov, Ta de Sewd Kal edxouévors amahesew. 
‘“O King Zeus, grant to us all blessings, whether we pray for them or not, 
And deliver us from evil, even to the denial of our prayers.” 


xil SKETCH-OF THE 


cussions themselves, some, it must be admitted, savour some- 
what of the after-reflection of a mature commentator ; and from 
a biographical point of view are no less illustrative of the 
veteran at Scillus than of the young man at Athens. Such is 
a series in AZem. II. on the relations of parents and children. 
‘“‘ How should a son behave to his mother?” or ‘Concerning 
brotherly affection.” But these are just of a sort tu mark the 
intimate relations between the teacher and the pupil at the 
time. They form a chapter of the private life of Socrates 
revealed to a friend. There is no reason why they should 
not be also verbatim reports at first hand. Others read like 
authentic records of actual descriptions related to Xenophon 
by an intimate friend. The two conversations between Euthy- 
demus and Socrates in Bk. IV. are good specimens. Another 
set suggest either that Xenophon himself, or some one very 
like Xenophon, was the interlocutor. The sentiments of the 
disputant might well have been his at the time. Such are the 
two in Bk. III. ch. 1. and iiii—Socrates and a young man on 
the duties and ambition of a strategos and of a hipparch 
respectively. (We are close upon autobiography here, I think.) 
Others, again, discover the artist working up his material to 
the best advantage (and occasionally perhaps in a way which 
offends our sense of dramatic propriety). How often is not 
Xenophon tempted consciously or unconsciously to impress 
his own personality upon some one or other of his dramatis 
personae? There is a final class, of which the Lconomist 
may be taken as a highly-developed type, which read as 
if the artist had at times got the better of the biographer. 
It is hard not to believe that in the conversation between 
Socrates and Pericles the younger (one of the unfortunate 
generals at Arginusae, it will be recollected), Xenophon 
has contrived dramatically to represent the workings of 
his own mind upon the subject of debate. Just as the 
“economist 1s perhaps an expansion of some actual Socratic 
conversation with a view to a freer handling of the topic, so 
this particular discussion (setting forth the pessimistic views of 
Pericles concerning the Athens of the moment, in contrast 
with the more hopeful views of Socrates touching an ideal 
Athens of the future) might well have been worked up into 


LIFE OF XENOPHON Xlil 


a political pamphlet in praise of the Solonian institutions.1 
Between these two voices it is possible to detect the workings 
of Xenophon’s own mind. One may hear or overhear his 
thoughts excusing or else accusing one another politically. 
Such a discussion may actually have taken place—and Xeno- 
phon may have listened to it probably between 411 B.c. and 
406 B.c., by which time his own miso-Theban views were 
probably already pronounced. 

But it was not to Socrates alone that Xenophon’s introduc- 
tion to politics was due (though to make his friends statesman- 
like was, as we know, a great object with that teacher); there 
were other go-betweens of all sorts, human or metaphysical. 
Demonic forces were leading him on, and fixing his views for 
better or for worse. These were pre-eminently the current 
incidents of the time (some of which he has graphically 
enough described). There were also the prepossessions and 
intellectual propensities of the individual. What Xenophon’s 
leanings were we can scarcely doubt. He is one of those 
thinkers to whom we may perhaps apply the modern term’ 
“aristocratic” without doing his departed spirit an injustice.?_ In 
the arena of ancient politics he watches impartially the behaviour 
of the combatants in their strife for glory ; but his eye is fixed 
most readily on the doings of the BéArwrro1, whether the state 
be friendly or hostile. The better classes were better than the 
rest of the world. That is axiomatic ; at the same time he 
admits Socratically the sad truth: Corruptio optimd pessima est. 
Nor does his admiration of respectability fill him with preju- 
dices against the vavtuxds dxAos of Piraeus, whose good dis- 
cipline on shipboard delights him. It does not blind him to 
the fact that in a deeper and more philosophic sense the free 
man may be a very slave in soul and the slave-born man win to 
himself a patent of nobility. But, on the whole, and with large 


4 Such a treatise would have been an apt counterpart of the so-called 
Lacedaemonian Polity, a pamphlet in praise of the institutions of Lycurgus. As 
to the Athenian Polity, see Xen. Works, 11. It was written by perhaps a 
cleverer, at any rate a more Machiavellian, person than Xenophon. 

2 Could he revisit earth and study modern literature, I think he would find 
the doctrines of Thomas Carlyle most congenial to his political mind ; but to 
his aesthetic and philosophic soul in general the style and sentiments of John 


Ruskin, 


X1V SKETCH OF THE 


deductions due no less to his human-heartedness than to his 
artistic sense (to which, as to some high court of equity, he 
may appeal against the prejudices of an Athenian knight or 
hoplite), he is of the school at Athens of Theramenes.' 

What part, if any, the future historian of the period him- 
self played in public affairs from 411 B.c. to the date of the 
amnesty, whether or not he shared in the troubles of the Four 
Hundred or in those of the Thirty, we cannot say. It is quite 
possible that, in accordance with a tradition mentioned by 
Philostratus, he was during part of this time a prisoner 
in Boeotia. Wherever he was, it is certain that his political 
views were all the while shaping themselves. If merely from a 
literary and artistic point of view, he could not fail to note 
with curiosity the course of events, the import of which, 
whether at home or abroad, was alike momentous. ‘The plot 
thickened apace. ‘The spectator was not of a temperament to 
sit by perfectly unmoved, or unbiassed in his judgment. 
Perhaps, like the youthful Ion in the play of Euripides, he 
wished to hold himself aloof, év wéAe yodov wAEq.” But 
however loath he might be to plunge into affairs at the sacrifice 
of that ‘‘ dearest boon to mortals—leisure,” he was at the same 
time a youth of some ambition. He had studied to make 
himself an adept in speech and action. The question must ere 
long present itself to his mind, How was he to turn his 
political training to account ? 

On the whole, and apart from the dramatic interest of them, 
the incidents of these years offered no encouraging prospect to 


1 So, after Mr. W. L. Newman (The Politics of Aristotle, vol. i. p. 491), 
I name the more moderate wing of the popular party at Athens during the 
years 411-403 R.C. (see Thue. viii. 97, and Xen. Hed. II. iii. 43, cf. Plato, 
Laws, 7538). For the doctrines of this ‘‘ left centre’’ party, with many of which 
Aristotle himself sympathised, see of. cz¢, p. 470 foll. They may be summed 
up in the phrase 7 61a TOv péowv moNreva : and by the wéoor we must under- 
stand the moderately well-to-do classes in the state intermediate between the 
very rich and the very poor. Another ‘‘left centre’’ tenet attributed to Thera- 
menes is that the well-wishers of a constitution must be stronger than its 
opponents if the constitution is to stand, of. czt. p. 491 and note; see also 
Xen. Hell. II. iii. 19, 20, 42, 44, compared with Aristot. Pol. 7(5)9, 1309 4. 16 
seg. ; 8(6)6 1320 4. 25 seg. The above seems a fair conclusion to draw from 
the tone of the first two books of the Hedlenica. 

2 See Eur. Jom, 601, and with the boy’s speech, cf, Xen. AZem. III. vii. 5 
and Cyrop. I. il. 3. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON XV 


a man of his disposition. There were the events of 411 B.C. 
The government of the Five Thousand might perhaps have 
satisfied him, could it have lasted! In that best of modern 
constitutions, in which oligarchy and democracy were duly 
attempered, and the reins of power lay in the hands of those 
who could furnish themselves with arms, Xenophon might 
have hoped at the age of thirty to find a sphere of use- 
fulness. But the limited democracy did not last for more 
than one year. Again in the spring of 404 B.c. could the 
young philosopher have stopped the wheels of time, just 
when the Thirty commissioners were chosen to draft a con- 
stitution based on the ancestral laws of the state; could he 
have forced them to carry out the duty imposed on them, 
we can readily imagine the type of polity which he would 
have had established. As a matter of fact the commissioners 
had no intention of setting up a Neo-Solonian democracy, nor 
yet an aristocracy; they were bent upon the methods of 
tyranny. Yet even so their first high-handed measures against 
‘sycophants’ might perhaps be winked 4t, but the intro- 
duction of a Laconian bodyguard under a creature like 
Callibius was past forgiveness. Xenophon would have been 
no true pupil of Socrates if his horror of sycophancy and the 
make-believe of statecraft had not been counterbalanced by 
an instinctive repugnance to tyranny and lawlessness. Some 
of these commissioners might have possessed the rudi- 
ments at least of political sagacity—they were not simply 
empirics ; but unless they added to these elements the right 
moral diathesis which distinguishes the true ruler, they had 
not the érorijyn of government, their technical knowledge 
was in vain. Critias might be the fit subject of a moral 
treatise: corruptio optimi, but he was no true governor. 
Where then was stable government to be found? Not in 
democratic Athens, where the voter was ignorant and govern- 
ment depended on the lottery of the bean. Was it perchance 
to be found in Sparta? or was Xenophon rather indulging a 
philosophic dream of a new Athens, a novel association of 
states in a renovated Hellas, in which the naturally cohesive 
force of virtue should as by some elective affinity bind to- 


1 See Thuc. vii. 97. 


Xv1 SKETCH-OF THE 


gether the souls of the ¢/te ; where there should be an ideal 
combination of all the xaAoxaya6oi in the state, or in society 
at large, to help each other, and in generous rivalry to dominate 
and regenerate the world? Was not that the meaning of what 
Socrates had been saying to Critobulus about friendship ?? 
Thus he ruminated. 

But how was his own quAotysia to express iteelf? One 
may easily make a grave blunder in answering such a question 
touching a man in whom the artist ever predominated over the 
citizen. If we may judge from hints scattered up and down 
his writings, or from the analogy of other young Athenians at 
the time (one thinks of Proxenus as described by Xenophon . 
himself, of Mantitheus in the speech of Lysias, of Alcibiades 
as depicted in the Alcib. major of Plato); or lastly, from the 
next chapter of his own life, as narrated in the Axabasis, he 
took a supreme interest in the problem of dpy7.?_ If he could 
not rule in his own person he would like to divine the secret of 
rule, and to discover the “archic” man. His moralising habit 
of mind, moreover, led him to divide the world into good 
and bad, or to accept with readiness the old political party 
catchwords.* For some reason the popular party at Thebes, 
whose scheme was to absorb the other Boeotian states, appears 
to him in an evil light. Even after the restoration and in 
spite of the good turn they did to the exiles, he cannot get 
over his natural antipathy to this border state; and amid 
the home troubles he could not help being driven to certain . 
generalisations. In these lie the germs of the political philo- 
sophy of the mature man. 

These speculations, which had occupied his mind for half 
a dozen years, were rudely interrupted by the anarchy of 
the Thirty. Presently we are in the turmoil of ‘civil war. 
What, if he was at Athens, was the occupation of Xenophon 


1 See Mem. II. vi. 2 See Index ‘‘ Xenophon.” 

° Theognis, 31-38; cf. Mem. I. ii. 20; Plato, Meno, 95D; Aristot. Eth. 
ix. 9; and see Mr. Symonds’ remarks on the meaning of é¢@Aol and dyaéol, 
kakot and deol (Greek Poets, i. p. 89). 

4 As seen in his reflections on the Laconian or Lycurgean institutions or 
the ideal oligarchy; the despotic man; the archic man. These form the 
theses of three existing works. The work on the Solonian institutions— 
which he might have written—was never achieved. Perhaps this was a 
matter too close home, 


LIFE OF XENOPHON xvii 


then? We should like very much to know whether he was 
employed in the cavalry or otherwise, and how he comported 
himself. His sympathies as a historian seem to be with 
Thrasybulus. But on the whole we are most struck by the 
healthy impartiality of the narrative, the chief defect of which 
is that it omits to tell us all we should like to know. ‘The 
author seems to draw a long breath of relief at the end of 
Bk. II. ch. iv., “The Amnesty.” In his own writings there is 
a gap between the second and third books of the He//enica, 
commonly so called, which is only partially covered by the 
incidents of the Avabasts. 

We are led to ask ourselves, what happened to Xenophon 
in this interval— between the summer of 403 B.c, and the 
spring of 401 B.c. At that latter date we know that he had 
taken a momentous resolution, and had started on an adven- 
turous quest with his old friend Proxenus, and his country’s 
ancient enemy, the younger Cyrus. In taking this step he 
was not free from misgivings, if only because he acted against 
the better judgment of the friend whom he most trusted. 
What put him to it? In the absence of real information we 
are once more thrown back upon conjecture. ‘The explanation, 
if we can divine it, lies in the character and ambition of the 
man. Many things perhaps combined at this date to make the 
invitation of Proxenus attractive: the promptings of his physical 
temperament, his belief in energising, his political bias and 
curiosity (since Cyrus was reported to be an “archic” man), 
his somewhat vague but at the same time noble yearnings 
after reputation—these on the positive side; and on the 
negative, a sense perhaps of limitation at home, unless he were 
to strike out a new line of his own. He was not, we suspect, 
enough of a student to sit down quietly and work out his 
literary salvation in the closet (as did his contemporary 
Isocrates). He was not so essentially a soldier that he would 
have accepted the career of an Iphicrates or a Timotheus had 
such a chance come in his way. Perhaps he reasoned with 
himself that just now he had a right to indulge his natural 
appetite for adventure. It was an appropriate moment at 
which “to cross over to Asia and ineddle with Asiatic affairs,”? 

1 See Plato, A/cid. I. 105. 
la 


XVlll SKETCH OF THE 


since at this juncture the interests of Sparta and the new 
democracy were one ; and if the voice of conscience whispered, 
“But Cyrus is the arch-enemy of your state,” he might have 
said to himself, ‘‘It is an old story now,” 
76001. But it was the touch of knight-errantry in his com- 
position, probably, which, combining with friendship for a 
friend, enabled him to connive at the antecedents of Cyrus.! 


GAXA TA pev TpoTE 


MANHOOD, 401-387 B.C.; THE ‘‘ ANABASIS,” ETC., 401-399 B.C.; UN- 
CERTAIN MOVEMENTS IN ASIA WITH AGESILAUS, 399-394 B.C. ; AT 
SPARTA, 394-387 B.C. 


Tuus he took the resolution, and with lightness of heart, if 
in humbleness of soul, set sail. He was under the protection 
of Zeus the Saviour and of Heracles the Leader; what then 
need he fear? Perhaps in secret he nursed an Achillean hope, 
“But my fame shall be imperishable,” as with an attendant 
soothsayer he started from Ephesus to join his friends at Sardis, 


1 The thought suggests itself that he may really have served as a knight 
under the Thirty. Doubtless there had been many ‘‘left centre’ democrats so 
employed, but as a body that class of citizens was not in good odour. No 
mischief befell them except that some of them had to forfeit their allowances 
(kardoraous), and when the opportunity arrived the more conspicuous instru- 
ments of the Thirty were sent off on foreign service under the Spartan harmost 
Thibron in 399; somewhat, as it would seem, zz malam rem. However 
neutral the part which Xenophon, on this hypothesis, had played, his political 
career at Athens would have commenced (he may have felt) under difficulties 
in spite of the amnesty, which from himself we know was, for the matter of 
that, religiously observed. But this is pure speculation. There is another 
point. Either now or possibly on his return to Europe in 399 B.c., he seems 
to have had an interview (at Megara) with another enemy of the democracy, 
the Spartan Lysander. So I gather from the expressions put into the mouth 
of Socrates in the Economist (Oec. iv. 20), which must surely refer to some 
personal experience of the author. If this interview took place and now, 
Lysander naturally had fine stories to tell about Cyrus. According to another 
hypothesis, Thucydides perhaps died in 403 B.c., and Xenophon had for the 
last year or so been busily employed in editing his great predecessor's works, 
and supplementing them by his own Pavaleipomena (Hellenica, Bks. 1. and 
II. iii. ro). At the end of that literary labour he was in need of a holiday. If 
so, a shooting excursion in Pisidia in the company of Proxenus and this fine 
fellow Cyrus was just the thing for him. His warmth in the matter is shown 
by the manner in which he consulted the god (see below, p. 68); his too late 
repentance (seeing that the thoughtless step led to exile) by the remark, possibly, 
in Memorad, 1. i. 4. But this again is pure hypothesis. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON X1x 


and at the outset the god vouchsafed him a sign. An eagle 
sat perched on the wayfarer’s right hand, portending glory not 
without alloy of suffering, but untainted by any huckstering 
gain of money. ‘The full import of the omen, as in the case 
of another later revelation, was only made plain by the events 
which followed ; yet it served, maybe, to fix his purpose and to 
stimulate his ardour. Little he recked of evils to come, as the 
blood coursed healthily through his veins and regally the sun- 
god smiled upon his going. Blitheness indeed and buoyancy 
in spite of some occasional passing cloud of despondency, are 
the distinctive characteristics of the Axabdasis, that prose epic 
of historic Greece, into which the author has with much skill 
interwoven a chapter of his life. Still to-day, as we read the 
story, an unaccustomed spirit lifts us above the ground with 
cheerful thoughts. Here too, on the side of action, Xenophon 
appears at his best. Here he is most truly Greek, nor does he 
stand alone ; “EAAnves det raides would be a fitting motto to 
the work, in compliment to the adventurous warriors who rise 
above their baser selves in adversity, and claim kinship with 
the heroes of the //ad. There are at the same time certain 
traits of disposition which serve in some degree to distinguish 
the protagonist. The vein of religiousness which pervades the 
story is of this idiosyncratic sort. This 700s Oeooeés (as the 
ancient critics would have called it) is strong enough at times 
to tinge the narrative with an inner parabolic meaning. The 
romantic march becomes an allegory of a soul’s adventure, in 
which the mighty ones of earth are cast down and the little 
one is exalted: in which effeminacy, treachery, and arrogance 
may work mischievously for a season, but in the end are 
brought to nought; while the faithful God-fearing man who 
helps himself and patiently endures will win in the end 
salvation. Xenophon’s own habit was, he tells us, to turn, as 
Socrates had taught him to do, in matters beyond the ken of 
man’s wit to decide, for help to heaven. Illustrations of this 
behaviour on his part are plentiful. His relations indeed to 
the heavenly powers resemble those of Hermogenes in the 
Symposium or of Socrates himself1 He is so dear to the gods 
that they will not leave him without a sign, when a sign is 
1 See Symp. iv. 47 foll.; AZem. IV. iii. 12 foll. 


XX SKETCH-_OF* THE 


needed. Either in dreams! or sacrifices, by birds, or voices, 
or by something encountered on the path, they graciously 
make known their will to him. A modern man may smile at 
the machinery of divination.; but, as bearing witness to an 
inner need of our common humanity, he will welcome the 
childlike trustfulness and reverence of the pious Athenian 
captain. 

Another trait of this period may be spoken of as the 
awakening of dormant ambition in the breast of one who was 
too diffident to snatch at honour, but on whom honour was 
thrust. We can follow the growth of this sentiment from the 
moment when it became apparent that the raid into Pisidia 
was a pretext, since Cyrus was flying at lordlier game than 
certain irrepressible hill tribes. 

Perhaps at Issi or at Myriandus Xenophon might have 
withdrawn, as he was free to do. But like Proxenus,? if in 
a less degree, he felt under an obligation to his host; he 
had laid his hand to the plough, and it was base to turn back. 
Curiosity in itself was a further incentive, as the military 
aspect of the expedition grew in fascination. How far was 
this boasted Persian empire open to attack?® Lastly, there 
was doubtless a personal side to the matter. It was but natural 
to forecast events. Cyrus in his free-handed way had promised 
crowns and satrapies to his Greek officers. He, Xenophon, 
though unofficially attached, would certainly not be forgotten. 
He would return home with enlarged experience, and the 
wherewithal to benefit a friend. The death of Cyrus dispelled 
these fancies. But others of a more permanent character took 
their place. Between the battle of Sept. 3 and the passage 


1 One of these signs has already been mentioned, nor need I forestall the 
reader's pleasure in picking them out for himself. They are of real psycho- 
logical interest. In particular, the dreams—that on the night of the seizure of 
the generals, or that other (a tavos dvaBaruxds) at the passage of the Centrites—— 
help us to follow the workings of his mind. They remind one of St. Paul's 
vision of the man of Macedonia (Alexander the Great ?), dreamt in the vicinity 
of ‘sacred Ilion,”’ and were in a spiritual sense ‘‘veridical.”’ See for this, and 
for other traits of character—e.g. his strategical skill; his combined tact and 
eloquence; his philanthropy exhibited towards barbarians no Jess than the 
Cyreians ; the awakening of his personal ambition ; his colonisation schemes ; 
his respect for law and authority, his wecovetia—Index ‘‘ Xenophon.”’ 

2 See pp. 49, 69. 3 See p. 19. 4 See p. 24. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON XXx1 


of the Tigris (Oct. 5), 2 month of suspense intervened. ‘The 
brains of the young scholar or philosopher were working the 
while. He was duly taking note of the surroundings.1 The 
germ of a colonisation scheme,? which was never realised indeed 
but never laid aside, belongs to this interval. So, doubtless, 
does the germ of that lordlier undertaking, which in the ful- 
ness of time was amply realised—the conquest and absorption 
by Hellas of the Persian empire.? 

The murder of the generals on the fatal 22d of October 
transformed the theorist into the man of action. In the 
visions of that night a new spirit bred of sharp necessity and 
true courage entered him. A voice summoned him to the 
leadership in a forlorn hope. In obeying the call he found 
himself not in name only, but after a brief apprenticeship, in 
very deed, what he had aspired to be, a ruler of men. The 
story of his generalship is told with ample detail in the four 
last books of the Anadbasis, and need not be repeated here. 
I confine myself to general observations.* 


1 We shall find traces of this in his latest works. See Cyrop. passim. 
His notes are those of an intelligent traveller, observant of men and 
manners and scenery, with a taste for sport. But he has further the keen 
critical eye of the war correspondent or military attaché. See pp. 19, 48, 
etc. In the Cyropaedia we traverse the same ground and fight the old 
battles over again, 

2 For the gradual working out of this project, see p. 80, note 1, and 
p. 180 foll. He cherished it all his life as we suspect. At Calpe it seemed 
on the point of realisation, but at a sudden turn of affairs (the advent of a 
Spartan admiral) the dream melted into thin air. The rock fortress which 
was to have become an independent little state with great powers of expansion 
and the happiest future before it, had to be deserted. Its abandonment was 
evidently a blow to Xenophon’s ambition, but it is not his habit to repine. 
Self-effacement of a sort is easy to him. 

3 We discover both, in the reflection how easy it would be to plant them- 
selves as a military colony in the heart of Babylonia, p. 79. In its immediate 
conception strategical, this project presented a philanthropic side. Such a 
colony, wherever planted, would serve to draw off a portion of the surplus 
- population from his native city and to diminish pauperism (see Rev. i. 1). 
To be the (oecist or) founder of such a settlement would have satisfied the 
personal ambition of Xenophon. But there was no chance of gratifying it at 
present in the basin of the Tigris. 

4 The reader who wishes rapidly to piece together the leading personal 
details can do so by turning to the Index and reading what is.there given under 
the name of ‘‘Xenophon."’ The authenticity of the story is another matter. 
There is, I believe, no just ground for doubting it. The part which Xenophon 
assigns himself is somewhat idealised ; but these were the facts. ‘This indeed 


XXIl SKETCH OF THE 


The path of leadership is glorious but beset with peril. 
According to Xenophon’s mature reflection, it can only be 
trodden with absolute success by the real prince ;+ and the 
qualities requisite are not to be found in ordinary mortals. 
That he was able himself to play the part with credit for a 
season must be ascribed at once to his native Attic vbility and 
to his Socratic training. ‘To Athens he owed that happy 
combination of eloquence and confidence with soldier-like 
resource and bravery,” which his countrymen regarded as the 
natural outcome of their democratic institutions. To Socrates 
may be traced those ruling qualities of sympathy and human- 
heartedness, and that readiness to take the lion’s share of 
fatigue and danger, which won him the obedience and affection 
of the soldiers. This volunteer was no pretentious charlatan, 
else they would soon have exploded him. , Nor was he a mere 
rule-of-thumb tactician and drill-sergeant,\ or it would have 
fared but ill with him and them. He had, it was soon seen, 
a real gift of inventiveness and a sound economic sense. An 
instinct told him how best to adapt the means at his disposal 
to a given end; and that too in the face of ancient methods. 


is the charm, or one charm, of the Anzadbaszs, It contains, as I have elsewhere 
suggested, not only a graphic account of a notable episode of Greek history, 
but it constitutes a chapter of autobiography in which the personal element 
subserves to the general dramatic interest of the narrative. Without being 
unfaithful to Clio, the muse of history, the author uses his tablet and stylus in 
the service of her sister Calliope. And of his own prose epic he is the central 
figure. So he behaved. Such was the real meaning, the true interpretation, 
of his intent and conduct. From another point of view, the interest of the 
Anabasis centres in its military problems. It might have served, like the 
Commentatres of Blaise de Montluc, as a ‘‘soldier’s breviary’ or vade mecum. 
It was not the Avzadasis, however, but the Cyropaedia, a work based to a 
great extent on the 4zadasis, which Africanus carried about with him. See Cic. 
Tusc. 11. xxvi. 62. ‘Semper Africanus Socraticum Xenophontem in manibus 
habebat, cujus imprimis laudabat illud (Cyr. I. vi. 25), quod diceret, eosdem 
labores non esse aeque graves imperatori et militi, quod ipse honos laborem 
leviorem faceret imperatorium.’’ Cf. Zp. ad Q. Fratr. 1., 1. viii. 23. ‘‘ Quos 
quidem libros non sine causa noster ille Africanus de manibus ponere non 
solebat : nullum est enim praetermissum in his officium diligentis et moderati 
imperil. 

1 «The Archic Man.” See Cyrop. I. i. and vi. passim, Hipparch. ; also 
Mem. IV. ii. 11. 

* The words are Grote’s, H. G. ix. p. 117, 1st ed. See also Curtius, 
H, G. (Eng. tr.), iv. 130. 

3 unxavicds. olkovowixds. See Mem. 111. i. 6; IV. ii. xr. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON Xxill 


Whatever his prior military experience may have been, he had 
studied in no narrow-minded spirit. He was all the more apt 
to learn the handling of troops in the school of experience. 
If, for instance, the ground which they were forced to traverse 
were not suitable to the evolutions in vogue, it seemed a 
matter of sound sense, no less than of generalship, to suit their 
tactics to their novel circumstances. Opportunities for such 
modifications of method in march and battle daily presented 
themselves. The experience so gained was of permanent 
value. If, therefore, it is to the credit of the Ten Thousand 
collectively that they were able to face blithely a long series 
of ever-shifting difficulties, it is equally to the honour of Xeno- 
phon and his colleagues that the strain was not greater. To 
him and them attaches the glory of the pioneer. ‘They are 
reformers in the art of warfare. How far Xenophon can be 
fairly regarded as the monopolist of these reforms is not an 
easy question. It is he, however, who has explained them to 
us, and they savour of his inventiveness.! 

But apart from these traits of originality, self-devotion, and 
alertness—characteristic in themselves of the avchic man, there 
is no doubt that Xenophon possessed what he himself would 
have regarded as the sexe gua non of success in leadership.” 
This special qualification of the Hellenic happy warrior he had 
in, his pious disposition. His, as I have already said, was a 
quite child-like faith and a trust in divine providence. This 
attitude of mind did not render him superstitious or inactive. 


1 They carry the hall-mark, as one may say, of his particular genius, bear- 
ing a strong family likeness to the literary innovations which his written works 
exemplify. As to the tactical reforms in question, they were discussed at the 
council of war by all the generals, etc., and the whole board must have the 
credit of their adoption. But it is almost certain that the prime mover was 
not unfrequently the Athenian, This seems to have been the opinion of the 
ancients, though there is no direct contemporary evidence in proof, It is also 
the opinion of important modern authorities. What seems quite certain is, 
that the modifications in the handling of heavy and light infantry and cavalry, 
and the combined evolutions of these troops, which were presently adopted 
in Greek warfare, e.g. in some of Agesilaus’s battles (in Asia and at Coronea), 
were primarily due to the experiences of the Ten Thousand. See Riistow 
and Kéchly, Gesch. d. Griech. Kriegswesens, p. 158 (note 19), and the refer- 
ences to Xenophon and other authorities there given, Aad, V. iv. 22, p. 144; 
Ages. ii. 9-14; Hell. IV. iii. 15; Plut. Ages. 18; Diod. xiv. 84; Polyaen. 
i 194; 6, ro); Erontin, 1. 6, 222, 2 See Cyrop, I. vi. 46. 


XX1V SKETCH OF THE 


It did not leave him open to the chicaneries of every lying 
soothsayer.1 On the contrary it gave him confidence in the 
practical affairs of life and a sense of security in dark places.? 
It enabled him also to acquiesce in the many personal disap- 
pointments which at this period awaited him. It saved him from 
the torture to which certain sympathetic natures are liable, the 
consciousness of talents wasted in fond subservience to the will 
of others. But the disappointments were very real. It is a proof 
indeed of his literary skill that he can present them so vividly 
without wearying his readers by the enumeration of them. 
These were, to put it briefly, the offences which must needs 
come to a man like Xenophon so exceptionally circumstanced. 
Some may be traceable to a certain weakness in his nature, 
since, as above suggested, he was (to apply language of his own) 
to some extent dipsychic and the cherisher of incompatible 
desires.2 The larger portion of them, however, were the out- 
come of what was most honourable to him, his insatiable 
striving after honour.4 The rest spring out of the inevitable 
misunderstandings of the situation. It must be, in so motley 


1 See Cyrop. I. vi. 2, and see p. 155 for a practical illustration. 

2 So at any rate he seems to feel; and one may well believe. It did not 
of course instruct him ethically. It did not precisely quicken his social or his 
political conscience. How should it? By which I am far from implying that 
these stood in any special need of quickening, His feelings towards slaves 
and ‘‘barbarians’’ are markedly philanthropic. His anti-Theban bias is ,the 
common narrow-mindedness of active political partisanship. It, like the rest 
of his political shortcoming, is compatible with an exalted pan-Hellenic patriot- 
ism, resembling that of Lysias and Isocrates. 

® Incompatible desires.—E.g. he wishes to return home, but he will not 
abandon the army—or go against the will of the God—or he does not find it 
easy to break with the Spartan governors. His proper respect for vested 
authority looks at times like subservience ; or is his vacillation owing tc a 
growing sense of insecurity at home? (See below.) 

Piroriwia : his chief ambition is to rule and to obey. Tod dpxew re Kal 
dpxecOa : to do or share in some famous deed. The successful conduct of 
the advance—and still more so, of the retreat—ought surely to redound to 
their credit and his. That is his hope. To found a colony is a scheme which 
appeals to his sense of economy. It is a practical thing to do. It leads to 
honour. To possess a sea-board fortress is a more simply self-regarding 
scheme. By the end of the year 4oo B,C. he has come to regard himself as a 
possible rolling stone. He is in the category of the mercenary captains, or 
may be. This idea seems to have occupied his mind only during the last 
winter, when his hopes of fame were beginning to dwindle and his appre- 
hension of certain Spartans and of Pharnabazus had grown large. 

4 See Cyrop. passim ; Hiero, vii. 3. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON XXV 


a host and with so many rival captains, some generous and 
others the reverse, in eager competition, that offences against 
an Athenian private gentleman without followers to back him 
should come; so soon at least as the immediate difficulties 
were past and there was time to attend to private advantages. 
This did not make them the less bitter. With Xenophon at 
least we shall agree that the elemental forces of nature were 
not so hard to battle with as those various moral evils which 
beset the army from Trapezus onwards. As to himself per- 
sonally we can well understand that the tooth of an Armenian 
or Scythian winter did not bite like a fellow-man’s ingratitude. 
But underlying the last books of the Axadasis is the sense of 
something more than disappointment. I think we must call 
it a sense of disillusionment.! It is not spoken of tediously 
with many words; but here and there a phrase well suited to 
its context, like the echo of a sigh, pathetically reveals it. 
“‘ Somewhere,” he says, as he parts with the Thracian princeling 
Seuthes, to whom he has restored a kingdom and without reward, 
“somewhere I may rise to honour; and that shall redound to 
your gain also.”* Let us consider this matter. I have already 
spoken of the colonisation scheme. ‘The abandonment of it 
was on each occasion doubtless a blow to his hopes.* “For 
myself I have done with that dream,” betrays the feeling of a 
sacrifice. But to turn the troops to so good an account—to 
become famous as the vecist of a new and thriving settlement— 
was not his sole personal ambition, nor its abandonment his 
only act of self-sacrifice. It was only part and parcel of the 
more general ambition which he cherished. He cared much 
for the good name and fame of his fellow-soldiers.* For him- 
self, he hoped that some echo of his success as a commander 
might be borne on the wings of fame to Hellas: that, to use 
his own phrase, he might one day reach his native city’ and 
_ find his name writ large.© Ata certain date in the month of 


1 This is intelligible enough when we bear in mind that the work itself, 
or, at any rate, a portion of it, could not have been finally composed until 
long after the years (401-399 B.C.) in which the incidents took place. 

See page 236. 3 Page 156. ? 
Page 162. ‘‘ The praises we expect to win from the mouths of men. 


Page 170. ; ; 
The desire to return home is first expressed in the speech at Cotyora, 


an fk 


XXV1 SICH CH Oma Eu 


May (400 B.c.), whilst the army lay at Harmene, the port of 
Sinope,! and the proximity to their goal brought self-regarding 
feelings to the surface, it looked for one moment as if 
Xenophon were about to reap the first-fruits of a well-earned 
reputation. After a public meeting of the soldiers, the sole 
generalship was formally offered to him. But this honour, 
gratifying to his personal vanity, had, in obedience to the will 
of heaven, to be foregone. Firmly, and without repining, he 
put it aside. Yet he makes no secret of a certain perturbation. 
However plain the duty—however salutary the consequences— 
of self-effacement in the future, for the moment his hopes were 
disappointed. There were other disappointments of a similar 
sort in store for him—before Byzantium—at Selybria, and 
again during his service under Seuthes. On every occasion the 
higher—at least the more reasonable—nature of the man wins 
an easy battle over some subordinate inclination. Zeus is ever 
his saviour ; Heracles is his guide. 

It must, however, be admitted that these triumphs are 
somewhat at the expense of self-assertiveness. I do not mean 
that Xenophon ever ceased to be a man of action. If he 
sometimes let “I dare not” wait upon “I will,” the hero within 
him reasserted itself. It was never swallowed up by the philo- 
sopher. But at times that nearly happened. What between 
his sense of fairness on the one hand, and his infinite regard 
for law on the other, his will was kept in abeyance. ‘This man 
has none of the self-aggrandising dash of Alcibiades. For 
vested authority he has an infinite respect. It is astonishing 
how readily he accepts the hegemony of Sparta at this period, 
as if it belonged to the eternal order of the universe. It is 
thus that, externally at any rate (though with his inner being it 
is quite otherwise), his life becomes as it were the plaything 
and sport of fortune. Thus we find this great Athenian cap- 
tain playing the ignoble part of tennis-ball to rival Spartan 
harmosts. When he has a chance to return home his desire 
to keep the army together, in compliance with the schemes of 


June 400, in which he abandons the colonisation scheme (p. 156). It is re- 
peated at Heraclea in July; but the design is vetoed by Heracles (the Leader) 
(p. 175). Again, in August, at Chrysopolis; and at Byzantium, August to 
October (pp. 196, 197-201). Again, in February of the next year, 399 B.C., 
on leaving Seuthes (p. 236). y 1 Page 171. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON XXvli 


Anaxibius, leads him to prolong his stay. The counter views 
of Aristarchus drive him to undertake the Thracian campaign 
with Seuthes ; and the end of it all is that the escape from one 
Spartan, Aristarchus, throws him into the arms of another, 
Thibron. 

During these last months (the winter campaign in Thrace) 
Xenophon has an uneasy suspicion that one day he may need 
a private fortress (like Alcibiades before him) as a harbour of 
refuge from political storms.t But Bisanthe, Ganos and Neon 
Teichos, like the city that might have been of Calpe, prove 
but cloud-castles. Owing to the weakness of Seuthes the 
Thracian prince, and the machinations of a false Hellene 
(Heracleides), the Asiatic campaign is less remunerative to 
Xenophon than the Cyreian expedition. Chiefly through his 
disinterestedness he finds himself all but beggared, when, for 
the last time postponing his departure homewards, he consents 
to hand over the Cyreians in person to their new paymaster 
Thibron in Asia. The old family soothsayer Eucleides? is 
clever in his diagnosis. This man is an obstacle to himself. 
Zeus Meilichios is a further obstacle. As far as the god is con- 
cerned there is a speedy cure ; but I need not repeat the story 
already referred to. We leave Xenophon at the end of the 
Anabasis enriched as he little expected tobe. He is not only 
in the lap of luxury, but he is in the midst of friends. He is 
at home with the family of Gongylus the Eretrian, his sons and 
their mother Hellas. He is popular with the army, men and 
officers. His old friends the Cyreians vie with his new Laconian 
friends in honouring him. Zeus Meilichios is well appeased. 
But do we leave him freed from the self-hindrance of his own 
compliant nature? I think not. On the contrary, this same self- 
hindrance would seem to have been the very principle of his 
spiritual development. A worse thing than the lack of means 
was about to happen to him—the loss of his country. The 
causes of that catastrophe are still a matter of speculation. If 
it were possible to divine them, they would be found, I think, 
to exemplify the diagnosis of Eucleides, “ You are an obstacle 
to yourself.” But of this matter enough. 


1 See p. 208, in case of difficulty with Lacedaemon in the first instance ; 
also pp. 220, 229, 235. A PAgse237. 


XXvill SKETCH OF THE 


In the spring of 399 Bc. Xenophon, if not himself alto- 
gether a different person, is differently conditioned from 
the youth who in this same month of March just two 
years ago set out from Athens to join Proxenus and Cyrus. 
Both these friends and many others were dead. Socrates 
was at the point of death. In what direction should he 
turn now, this man with his Achillean aspirations and his 
Odyssean cautiousness; his almost Socratic independence 
in things of the soul, his sophistic scrupulosity, or should 
it be said, his Attic dy yvofa in practical affairs? In a 
material sense he was more free to move, but politically he 
was more isolated. If he had now at last something in his 
pocket wherewith to benefit a friend, was he likely to find his 
name written large in the hearts of his own countrymen? 
would he even be welcomed as a virtuous citizen at home? 
There the tide of conservative reaction was setting in apace. 
The most deserving section of the party—the saviours of the 
Democracy — were naturally well- disposed to Thebes; the 
citizens in general resented the leadership of Sparta. Was 
the Democracy for ever to play a secondary part? Was not 
empire the birthright of Athenians? On the whole, and how- 
ever great his natural inclination to return home,” this was 
scarcely an opportune moment for a citizen of his antecedents 
to think of establishing himself at Athens. It is Xenophon 
himself who bears witness to the generous and reasonable 
behaviour of the restored Democracy.? It is he who has 


1 Socrates drank the hemlock in May. It is not probable that Xenophon 
ever saw him again. When and where he heard the account of his trial and 
condemnation, we cannot tell, Perhaps with other considerations it com- 
bined to determine his movements now. 

2 See the last two books of the Anadasis, passim (pp. 156, 175, 196, 
197, 201, 236). Grote thinks that he did return for a short while, during 
which time he brought out his Paraletpomena and then returned to Asia, 
rejoining the remnant of the Cyreians under the Spartan harmost Thibron or 
his successor Dercylidas. Others have thought that he did not return at all, 
or that he got no farther on the homeward journey than Megara, where he 
would have heard from the Socratics what fate had befallen their friend. There 
is something plausible in this last view of his movements, He probably had 
his papers to put in order; and possibly a book to publish. If so, was it 
now that he interviewed Lysander? See above, p. xviii. 

3 See Hell. II. iv. 43. As Grote points out, the verse of Aeschylus 
Tpaxus ye pEevTOL Ofjos Expuyav kakd especially did not apply to the restored 
Democracy. See /%. G. viii. p. 415 (2d ed.). 


LIFE OF XENOPHON XX1X 


recorded a significant incident, which serves to illustrate ‘the 
spirit of the times. Among the troops of Thibron, he tells 
us, was a contingent of cavalry sent out by Athens, as her 
quota, in obedience to the ruling power. It consisted of those 
knights who had been of special service to the Thirty. In| 
thus obeying the mandate of Sparta the home authorities 
were probably stirred by two desires. ‘They wished, on the 
one hand, to deal justly by people of opposite politics, and, 
on the other, to be rid of political firebrands. In the language 
of the historian, they believed it would be a gain to the Demo- 
cracy for these people to see some foreign service, and if it 
cost them their lives it was no great loss! The feeling of the 
authorities towards these knights was a straw to show which way 
the wind blew, and if Xenophon had contemplated returning 
home in hopes to find his name writ large, perhaps the 
talk of these men and the story of Socrates’ fate served to 
disenchant him. ‘The latter tragic incident, whenever and 
wherever the news reached him, must have come as a great 
shock to him. He does not talk about it. Neither in the 
Memorabilia nor elsewhere does he speak angrily of the 
accusers, still less so of the Athenian public,” least of all does 
he allow any note of personal resentment to obtrude upon the 
solemn sadness of an irretrievable loss. 

Whether he returned to Europe or not during the spring 
or summer of this year, it seems certain that he was back 
in Asia before its close. The internal evidence derived 
from certain books of the He//enica (III. and IV.)* appears 
conclusive on that point. In some way, officially or non- 

1 of & éreupay trav éml tov TpidKovTa immevodytwy voulfovres Képdos TO 


Ojuw, ef arodnuotey kal evarddowTo, What actually became of them we do 
not know. 

2 As he reflected on this matter later in life he was able to form a perfectly 
considerate judgment. It was in a fit of jealousy (pardonable in frail 
humanity) that the Athenian public had acted. Démos, as a bon pere de 
famille, had turned against the philosophic tutor who had stolen the affections 
of his darling son, This is the apologue of the allusive passage in the 
Cyropaedia (111. i. 38-40). The-dons péres de famille are represented by the 
Armenian. His son Tigranes is the youth of Athens, whom the philosopher 
had ‘‘corrupted.” Cyrus is the outer world interested to discover the real 
explanation of so sad a story. 

3 As the minuteness of detail implying the personal knowledge of an eye- 
witness seems to show, 


LOOK SKETCH OF THE 


officially, he was connected with the Spartan harmosts in Asia 
off and on for five years (399-394 B.c.)—if not with Thibron 
himself, to whom he had surrendered the six thousand Cyreians, 
at any rate with Dercylidas first,! and later with Agesilaus. 
With this latter,? in the year 394 B.c., he certainly did return 
to Europe, and was present consequently, whether he fought or 
not, at the battle of Coronea. 

This was a momentous period in Xenophon’s life. Within 
its scope fall to be considered not only his marriage and the 
birth of his sons, but his exile and that which in connexion 
with his exile closely affected his whole after-life—a new friend- 
ship with the Spartan king Agesilaus. 

To speak of these in some order. The date of his 
marriage can be approximately fixed? as falling in the year 
399 B.C. or soon after. Who his wife was, we do not know. 
One may suspect that he found her in the Aeolid, perhaps in 
the pleasant home of Hellas, the wife of Gongylus, or of some 
other of his Pergamene friends; but this is mere guesswork. 
She may have been a foreigner, or she may have been an 
Athenian, a native of the Aeolid, or one of those women who 
had shared in the campaign. ‘There is no saying. That she 
became the mother of two noble sons named Gryllus and 
Diodorus, we know; and that her own name was Philesia. 
Possibly the boys were twins, as their Spartan sobriquet Ze 
Dioscurt suggests. They were popularly named “the great 
twin brethren,” and became famous. As to Philesia herself, 
their mother, she is, we suspect, the prototype of some one or 
other of those delightful women worthy of Zeuxis and Euri- 
pides, whom Xenophon has depicted.4 Perhaps it was of her 


» SESvZGIE MINE Oe sie ge 

2 See Aad. V. iii. 7 (px 140 below) ; Hed, 1V. iii. 15; Plut. Ages. 18. 

3 I speak here of his marriage with Philesia, the mother of his two sons 
Gryllus and Diodorus. It is possible that she was his second wife. And if 
we could accept it as authentic, the pretty story repeated by Cicero (de vend. 
i, 3r) on the authority of Aeschines, the Socratic (cf. Quintil. V. ii. 27), of a 
dialogue between Aspasia, Xenophon, and Xenophon's wife, would imply 
that he had been married before he left Athens in 4o1 B.C. ; indeed so many 
years before that we should be driven to 440 B.C. (cz7ca) as the date of his 
birth. But the conversation is doubtless imaginary. So, too, is the Soteira 
of one of the epistles, commonly held to be spurious. Stob. Florz/. 3, 29. 

4 And Heywood, the Elizabethan, reproduced. See below, p. Ix. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON Xxxl 


he thought when he drew the portrait of the wife of Tigranes, 
“who went soldiering with her own man,” in the Cyropaedia. 
As might be expected, we get no hint from Xenophon him- 
self in these matters; nor does he once have occasion to 
name his wife. Such silence is only natural and common. 
It is, of course, quite compatible with the existence of those 
happy relations which, from the pen of Xenophon himself, best 
of all Greek writers, we know to have subsisted between 
husband and wife in ancient Greece.! 

If, as seems probable, Xenophon and Philesia were married 
in 399 B.C, we may perhaps be warranted in assuming 
that their two sons were born to them within the next two 
years—possibly both in 398 B.c. or 397 B.C.; or, if not twins, 
within a year of each other, the elder in 398-397 B.c. and the 
younger in 397-396 B.c. ; so that at the date when their father 
left Asia with Agesilaus on the perilous expedition of 394 B.c, 
the two children would still be at their mother’s apron-string. 
Perhaps for a couple of years the family life was so far broken 
up that the mother and children remained at home in Asia, 
whilst the father followed the fortune of his friend the king of 
Sparta in Europe. But in 392 B.c. it recommenced, and as 
fortune willed it, was happily continued for many years ; first 
in Sparta itself and afterwards at Scillus.? 

In this summary application of the almanac to the private 
life of. our author, we may seem to have too long neglected 
the stormier question of his public bearing and his banishment. 
To this we come. 

If we do not know the precise date of Xenophon’s marriage, 
still less do we know the date of his banishment ; and if we 
are ignorant as to the date, still more are we ignorant as 


1 See, in particular, the relations of Ischomachus and his wife in the 
Liconomist,; the Cyropaedia, passim, and for Xenophon’s views as to Tekvo- 
qotta and the education of children, see in addition to the above-named works 
Lac. Pol. 1; Mem. \. iv. 7. 

2 The evidence for the date of Xenophon’s marriage and the birth of his 
sons is as follows :—(1) We know on the best authority (from Azad. VII. vi. 
34, p. 227) that he was not married, or at any rate had no children, in 
February 399 B.c. (2) We further know, on the authority of Plutarch in his 
life of Agesilaus, that, at some interval between 394 and 381 B.C. (see /ed/. IV. 
iv. 19), when Xenophon was with Agesilaus in Sparta, his sons were (not only 
born, but) of an age to be initiated into the public training according to the 


XXXll SKETCH OF THE 


to the cause and circumstances of that occurrence. The 
ancients themselves?! attributed it in some way or other to 


institution of Lycurgus : which é¢ywyn the Spartan lads commenced at the age 
of seven. Plutarch’s words are: ‘'He (Agesilaus) kept with him Xenophon 
the philosopher, and made much of him, and proposed to him @o send for his 
children and educate them at Sparta, where they would be taught the best of 
all learning ; how to obey and how to command”’ (Clough, 4, 24). This 
Xenophon appears to have done. It will fulfil the conditions best if we 
suppose that Xenophon on leaving Asia in 394 B.c. had left his wife and 
children there (at Ephesus or elsewhere), Or, to state the matter chrono- 
logically : Supposing that his marriage took place in 399 B.c., and that the 
children were born both in 398-397 B.C. (or at an interval of a year); in 
392 B.C. they (or the elder of them) would be about six years of age, and 
almost ripe for the Spartan public schooling, which commenced at the age 
of seven. See Plut. Ages. xx. Hevopdvra 6é tov copdyv exwv mel’ Eavrod 
[Aynotiaos] omovdafbuevos éxéNeve Tods tatdas év Aaxedatwov. tpépew 
peratreupdwevov, ws wabnoouevous Tav pmabnudrwy To Kdd\NaTov, dpxerbac 
kal &pxew. See Roquette, Yer. Vit. I. § 5, p. 25. 

1 Tt will be best to cite the ancient authorities :— 

Besides two passages in Xenophon himself (Azad. V. iii. 7, and VII. 57), 
which must be considered in reference at least to the date (see pp. 140, 236), 
we have the statements of three ancient authorities, none of which are very 
close to the times of Xenophon. ‘The earliest is Dio Chrysostom (the famous 
rhetorician of the Flavian era, 100 A.D.), who tells us that ‘‘ Xenophon was 
exiled owing to his expedition with Cyrus,” Zevopay tpuye Oud Thy pera 
Kvpou orparelay (vill. p. 130 M) but how, why, or when, he does not explain. 
The next is Pausanias, the archaeologist, etc. (160 A.D.), who adds a 
suggestion. ‘‘ Xenophon was banished by the Athenians as having shared in 
the expedition against the king, their well-wisher, with Cyrus, who was the 
bitterest foe of the Democracy,” édidx0n 6 Revopay vd ’APnvalwy ws él 
Baoiéa chiov etvouy bvTa orpareias peracxav Kipw mohemwrdtwe Tod 
djuou(v. 6,5). There seems to be some hope of a discovery here, but it is after 
all delusive, since, as Grote points out, Artaxerxes only became etyous to Athens 
in 396 B.C,, and Xenophon’s friendship with Cyrus was an old story then. 
‘The last authority is Diogenes Laertius. He has two references to the matter. 
The first is contained in one of the two epigrams which he wrote in honour 
of Xenophon (see Xen. Works, I. p. xliv., and below, p. 68), in which occur the 
words Kéxpomés ce mora pevyew Karéyvav Tod piov xdpw Kupov, ‘‘ Thee 
Cecrops’ citizens condemned to exile for thy dear Cyrus's sake’’ (Diogenes 
Laertius, Life of Xen. § 14). The other occurs a little earlier (in § 7), where 
he tells us that ‘‘ after the ‘ Anabasis’ and the occurrences in Pontus (in the 
‘Catabasis’), and the breaches of faith on the part of Seuthes, the king of the 
Odrysians, Xenophon came to Asia to Agesilaus, the king of Lacedaemon, and 
presented him with Cyrus’s soldiers for pay (z.e. as a mercenary force),’’ [This 
is clearly a blunder, since he came to 7/2670 in 399 B.C., to whom he handed 
over the Cyreians, and to Dercylidas later on in the year, and to Agesilaus only in 
396 B.c.] ‘‘It was at this time’ [what time? 399 B.C. or 396 B.C.?] he adds, 
‘that he was condemned to exile by the Athenians on the ground of Laconism : 
peta O& Thy avdBacw Kal Tas ev TO IIbyTw cUvMPopas Kai Tas Tapacmrovdioes 
Tas LeviGov tot ’Odpvadv Bacitéws Aeev els ’Aclay mpds ’Aynoldaov 
Tov Aaxedatmovioy Baciéa, puc000 Tols Kvpou otparwras air@ mapacxar, 


LIFE OF XENOPHON XXXili 


his friendship with Cyrus, or (scarcely less vaguely) to his 


gitos re tw els wrepBodyv, wap dv Katpdy émt Aaxwnoue uyhy or’ 
"AOnvaiwy xareyvécby. Diogenes is an unsatisfactory authority, and 
generally contrives to confuse matters through carelessness, But on the whole 
we must admit that his testimony, like that of the other two authorities, is 
positively in favour of an earlier date than 394 B.c., and megatively of a less 
pronounced form of Laconism than would have been Xenophon’s presence 
with the enemy of the allies and Athens at Coronea, On this intricate 
question the modern authorities are nearly equally divided. Thus Grote is 
quite clear that the sentence of banishment was not passed until after the 
battle of Coronea, which took place in August 394 B.c.; and he states 
clearly the grounds of his opinion in H. G. vol. ix. 242 note 1, which he 
reiterates as an historical fact in Plafo, III. xxxix. p. 566. Curtius, on the 
other hand (Eng. tr., vol. v. p. 149, bk. vii. ch. ii.), takes an opposite view. 
‘““Thus Xenophon when probably not more than thirty years of age entered the 
service of Cyrus, and was unexpectedly called upon to perform duties of high 
importance, in which he exhibited so much efficiency that his fame even 
radiated itself upon Athens. And yet by what he did he incurred the loss 
of his native city; for probably about the time when proceedings against all 
anti-constitutional tendencies were resumed at Athens (vol. iv. p. 142 and 
when Socrates was sentenced, Xenophon was by a popular decree deprived of 
his civic rights as a partisan of Cyrus; possibly a diplomatic consideration 
for the wishes of the Persian king contributed to bring about this decision,” 
etc. With this in the main I agree. I will only add a note on the two 
passages in the Axabasts above referred to. The first occurs on p. 140 and 
note 4. The words run thus: Hevopdy bre dpe. olv ’Aynoidw ex Tis 
*Aclas riv els Bow rods o0dv, karadelre: (TO THs ’Apréutdos pépos) mapa 
MeyaBifw.. . Kal éréorei\ev, iy pev atros cwOy, éavT@ drodotva Hy dé 
Te ThOn, dvabeivar momncdpevoy TH ’Apréwide 6 Te olowro xapretc Oa TH Oe, 
Emel 0° Epevyev 6 Revopay, xaroxodvros Hdn év Dkiddodvri, ddixveirac 
MeydBugos. . . . It has been asked by those who rely on this passage to 
prove that Xenophon was banished after 394 B.C., ‘‘ Why should he mention 
his banishment at all in this context, if it had occurred five years or so before 
he set off with Agesilaus to Iurope?’’ ‘To those who are not satisfied with 
Thirlwall’s explanation (see H. G. iv. ch, xxxiv. p. 357, and in reference to 
Anab. V. iii. 7, Xenophon, Niebuhr, and Delbrueck, Philol, Mus, vol. i, p. 
516), I would suggest that the expression is natural enough, if at the date 
of publication of the Awabasis the sentence had been rescinded. It is 
highly probable that this was the case. Xenophon was, I think, forced to 
leave Scillus, and settled in Corinth soon after the battle of Leuctra, 371 
B.c. The sentence of banishment was rescinded not later, I think, than 
369 B.C., possibly earlier; and the Amaéasis published almost simultane- 
ously. But this will need further discussion (see Xen. Works, III. partii.). In 
any case I do not consider the inference to be drawn from Azaé. V. ili. 7 con- 
clusively in favour of 394 B.c. And the suggestion, if in that direction, may 
be met by the suggestion of Azad. VII. vii. 57: Revopdy dé ob mpoonet, 
GNAG pavepods Fv olkade mapackevafbuevos’ ov yap Tw WHpos avT@ Em AKT O 
"AOhvnot rept puy%s, which surely implies that the incident of his banish- 
ment did presently prevent him from carrying out his intention to return home. 
The only escape from that conclusion is to suppose that the words od ydp TW 
K.T.X. are an editor’s note—wrongly inserted in the text—a footnote, as it 


a 


XXX1V SKETCH OF THE 


Laconism.1 But in what particular way this Zaconism was 
shown, or how and why either Zaconism or friendship with 
Cyrus should have brought upon him a sentence of exile, is at 
the present time altogether a matter of conjecture. Under 
the circumstances it will be fairer at once to Xenophon and to 
my readers, if I state here my own conviction that the sentence 
of exile was passed soon after the events recorded on the last 
page of the Axadasis (p. 240 of this volume), and that the 
gravamen of the indictment lay, as the ancients put it, at once 
in his former friendship with Cyrus and his present (or late) 
inclination towards Sparta, the ancient enemy of the Democracy. 
By ‘‘soon after,” I mean within a year or two years (or three at 
the most). It seems to me not improbable that Pharnabazus 
himself, or some one of the great king’s personal agents,” 


were, cautioning the reader, who thinks of Xenophon as a banished man, not 
to antedate the commencement of his exile. But that in itself is surely 
far-fetched. According to Grote he not only was free in 399 B.C. to return 
to Athens, but for a short while did so. But if so, why in recounting the 
incidents of 399 B.C. should he go out of his way to speak of a matter which 
could only affect his movements in 394 B.C, ? 

1 Aakwyicuds = a leaning to Sparta, a philo-Laconian propensity or be- 
haviour, not necessarily even in the sphere of practical politics treasonable ; 
though often enough so actually or so regarded. Cf. of Bowwridfovres, ol 
apyo\tfovres, to express a party in the state favouring a particular policy. 
To understand Lacontsm, as I have elsewhere said, we ought to go to a 
somewhat analogous period—the Italy of the Republics, when Venice with 
her relative stability and oligarchical government=Sparta ; Florence with her 
intellectual turmoil and political self-consciousness= Athens. The comparison 
might be worked out in detail. Vzde Symonds, Age of the Despots, ch. iii. 
passim, and ch, iv. p. 236; also Freeman, /storical Essays, 2d series, 
Pp. 32. 

* For the mo\vrpay.octvn of these big men and the little men their agents, 
see Thucydides, and Xenophon, Hed/. passim. See too the Axadbaszs for speci- 
mens of the petty scheming busybody and emissary such as Dexippus, Neon 
perhaps, Medosades, Heracleides. For the diplomacy of bigger men see the re- 
lations of Pharnabazus and Anaxibius, and again of that satrap and Aristarchus. 
As to the personal catastrophe, the tale told to Xenophon by Seuthes (p. 229) 
at a certain date, that Thibron meant to put him to death, though falsified by 
events, shows the sort of hazard which a man of some mark and scanty 
means might be supposed to run, Still more to the point is the actual risk 
either of losing his life or being delivered up to Pharnabazus (who had a 
horror of Cyreians), which befell him earlier, before Perinthus, at the hands of 
an evilly-disposed Spartan harmost (p. 204). One has only to imagine some 
Athenian or other of the Dexippus type worked upon by an emissary of 
Pharnabazus (as the Rhodian Timocrates was employed by the satrap 
Tithraustes in a grander affair, He//, III. v. 1), or of his own motion working 


LIFE OF XENOPHON XXXV 


Greek or foreign (working upon the ecclesia by dint of some 
Athenian intermediary), may have had a hand in it. There 
were many such political go-betweens, big or small, who already 
during the Cyreian expedition, and whilst Athens was still in 
political vassalage to Sparta, would be on the look-out to 
undermine the influence of the dominant Hellenic power. 
Is this probable? Apart from the relatively small matter of 
a single man’s private fortunes, it can, I think, be shown to 
be so. 

Even during the earliest period of her supremacy, be- 
tween 403 B.c. and the Cyreian expedition, when Spartan 
influence was predominant in Greece and Asia, signs that the 
tide would soon turn were already visible. The Corinthians 
and Thebans, who would have been glad in 405 B.c. to see 
Athens blotted out, were now beginning to be jealous of 
Sparta rather than of Athens in her present defenceless con- 
dition. The high-handed measures of the dominant power 
shown in her treatment of the Asiatic states, where the Lysan- 
drian Decarchies were a worse scourge than the imperial system 
_ of the Democracy had ever been, caused disaffection in Asia 

and apprehension in Hellas proper. This was not all. The 
war with Elis, which was simply coercive, was so unpopular with 
the free states, that though Athens could not but send a con- 
tingent, Corinth and Thebes refused to do so when summoned 
in 399 B.c. Thereupon her tactics in Asia were changed, but 
not skilfully. If the Decarchies were withdrawn, the states were 
left to the mercy of the new Persian governor Tissaphernes, 
who showed himself a very different master from Cyrus. The 
states appealed to Sparta as the rpoordrys of Hellas, and her 
tactics were further changed. A war with the Persian satraps 
was undertaken. The idea of a national conquest of Persia, 
a pan-Hellenic march in which Sparta was to represent Hellas, 
began to fascinate the government. The first step was to send 
out in 399-398 B.c. a body of troops under Thibron to assist 
the Ionian cities.! It consisted of one thousand Spartan neoda- 


for Pharnabazus or the king, or in the interests of a political party at Athens, 
or conceivably in a self-seeking spirit, and for private purposes ; and the 
psephism of Eubulus, or whoever it was, is not unintelligible. 

1 FHfell, III. i. 


XXXvl SKETCH OF THE 


modes, four thousand Peloponnesians, and the three hundred 
Athenian knights above spoken of. The Corinthians and 
Thebans were again recalcitrant. They would have nothing to 
do with the pan-Hellenic march. When the new Agamemnon 
Agesilaus in 396 B.c. proposed to offer sacrifice in Aulis, the 
latter laughed him to scorn, and treated the king of men and his 
sacrifices with prosaic effrontery. Certainly, as Pausanias tells us, 
they were but little affected by appeals to their gratitude.? 
Their grievances were too deeply seated. The Corinthians and 
Athenians more politely —but no less practically— for one 
plausible reason or another begged to be excused. Nothing 
has been said of Argos. There too, as in the three states 
already mentioned, political ideas were already? shaping them- 
selves which eventually led to the coalition of 395 B.c.2 Pau- 
sanias seems to think that the excuse offered by Corinth was dona 
fide, but with respect to the Athenians in 397 B.c. he adds signifi- 
cantly that though they assigned the present weakness of the 
state and pestilence as the ground of their inability, the real 
reason was that they had already got wind of a visit of Conon, 
the son of Timotheus, to the court of the great king. 

This visit is perhaps the key to the whole matter. It is 
unfortunate that we cannot fix the date of it more exactly. It 
was brought about by Pharnabazus, who as far back as 408 
B,c., and under the influence in part of Alcibiades, was ready 
to procure the assistance of Persia for Athens rather than for 
Sparta. He failed indeed, but only owing to the stronger will 
and power of Cyrus, who elected for Lysander and Sparta, 
as narrated in /edlenica, I. iii. 8. Again in 404 B.c. the 
same satrap had lent himself to negotiations with Alcibiades, 
then in exile, the object of which was to further the interests of 
Athens at the court of Susa, rather than those of Sparta, which 
it could be shown were already unduly fostered by the rival 
satrap (or, to give him his proper title, the Kavanos Cyrus). 
This history now repeats itself. It is no longer Alcibiades, but 
another distinguished Athenian exile, a man of less question- 


1 Pausan. iii. 9, 2. 2 And even earlier. 

3 Which was said to be brought about in part by Persian gold. See the 
tale of the Rhodian Timocrates sent by Tithraustes, the Persian satrap who 
succeeded Tissaphernes, and the thirty thousand avchers. (The coins were 
stamped with the image of an archer. ) 


LIFE OF XENOPHON XXXVI 


able patriotism, Conon, at the court of Evagoras, the prince 
of Salamis in Cyprus, who conducts the negotiations on the 
side of Athens; but the satrap is the same.!_ In 397 B.c., as 
it would appear, if not in 398 B.c. summer (see below), during 
a truce with the Spartan Dercylidas, he repaired to Susa,? and 
by dint of a diplomatic correspondence which he set up 
between the court and the prince of Cyprus, he entirely 
altered the king’s policy. The correspondence, it seems, was 
skilfully conducted by Ctesias the king’s physician, and an 
important item of the new programme was the equipment of 
a royal navy, the command of which should be entrusted to 
Conon.? 

The prospect of so securing the goodwill of Artaxerxes, 
though not openly proclaimed, may well explain the reluctance 
of the Democracy to assist in any joint attack on Persia in 397 
B.c. If we turn for a moment to home affairs,‘ the feeling of the 
state towards certain wealthy oligarchical members is clear 
enough from the remark of the historian already quoted. To 
send off three hundred knights seemed to the ecclesia, even as 
early as 399 B.c., no bad riddance of bad rubbish ; or to speak 
more courteously, as Grote says, they were glad to see such 
people honourably provided for. In either case, it seems 
certain that between 399 B.c., or even earlier, and 397 B.c, 
the emancipation of Athens had commenced. As a subject 
ally of Sparta, and seeing that her walls were still dismantled, 
she was debarred from independent action, but an instinctive 
germinal foreign policy existed. This, as regards Hellas 


1 For the relations of Pharnabazus and Alcibiades in 404, see Grote, ZZ. G. 
viii. p. 427. For those of Pharnabazus and Conon in 397 (or earlier), see 
Plut. Avtax. Ctesias of Cnidos, the court physician, was also diplomatically 
employed in this matter, as the king’s plenipotentiary. Didot. Czeszae, fr. 29, 
§ 63 (as preserved by Photius). 

2 See Hel/. III. ii. 1, 398-397 B.C. ; winter truce extended through summer, 
Leb SiGe 

® See Hed/. III. iv. 1. 

4 For internal affairs at Athens between 403 B.C. and 395 B.C., see among 
modern authorities, Grote, H. G. viii. ch. Ixvi.; Curtius, iv. p. 142 foll. (Eng. 
tr.); Jebb. Attic. Or, vol. i., on Lysias, and passim, Thirlwall, vol. iv. Xxxv. 
Among ancient authorities, Xen. He//. II].; Lysias, Ov. xxxiv., xix., XXxvi., XVi., 
Xxxi., XXV., xii, vi. (which is not by Lysias but probably by some con- 
temporary), and xiii,; Ctesias, his fragments in Didot., and a passage quoted 
by Plut. Avtax, (Clough, v. p. 443); Pausanias, iii. 9, 2. 


XXXVII1 SKETCH OF THE 


proper, pointed in the direction of alliance with Thebes and 
other states fretting under Spartan predominance. As regards 
Asia and her former subject allies, it implied a readiness to 
meet the Persian king half way, in case he showed any desire 
to retaliate for Cyrus’s attack upon the state which had aided 
it, whose power he had suicidally developed. 

One must not make too much of a small matter; but to return 
to our biographical difficulty—it seems quite likely that some 
member of the ecclesia may at any moment after the return of the 
Ten Thousand have proposed the banishment of that Athenian 
who had most distinguished himself in the attack on Artaxerxes, 
whether he was a knight or not, and whatever the colour of his 
politics before he left Athens in 4or to strike up a quixotic 
friendship with the bitterest foe of the Democracy (rw 
ToAeutkwTat@), Who had proved himself the worst foe also of 
the Persian king his brother. The conduct of Xenophon on 
his return to Europe might in itself be easily open to mis- 
construction. During the two years’ absence he had to a 
great extent lost touch of home politics; or he did not 
allow sufficiently for the conservative reaction at home, and 
the recovery of national independence. To him the dominion 
of Sparta appeared to be solidly established ; to the leaders at 
home it appeared to be assailable. Judging as he did that 
Sparta was the leading state, and that whatever a Laconian 
officer willed was law, he had somewhat coquetted with and 
humoured the navarchs and harmosts with whom he came in 
contact. It was not through lack of patriotism to his country, 
but out of loyalty to his fellow-adventurers, that he so adapted 
himself. It was from an amiable desire to save the reputation 
of the heroic band, and not their reputation only but their lives, 
that he so acted. But this action may have been misunder- 
stood or misinterpreted.!_ Just as his detractors explained to 
the Laconian emissaries that he was too much the soldiers’ 
friend, too popular in his manners, and would prove a thorn 
in the side of Sparta; soat home it might have been reported 
of him that he was too simply philo-Laconian. <A better 
citizen would have done better by a fine body of troops than 
surrender them to Thibron. And what did it all tend to, 


? At the end of the Thracian campaign (see p. 223). 


LIFE OF XENOPHON XXXIX 


if not to furthering interests which neither the Democracy 
approved of, nor the king, whose goodwill was worth concili- 
ating, could be other than annoyed by ? 

It was thus, or somehow thus, as I imagine, that on the 
motion of Eubulus or some other citizen the decree of banish- 
ment was passed (between 399 B.c. and 397 B.c.) There was 
certainly no mystery about it at the time; nor does this view 
of the matter need any machinery of sycophants to support it. 
It implies no anti-oligarchic bias in the behaviour of the 
restored Demos—no overriding of the amnesty—nor indeed 
anything but what seems natural enough and was already fore- 
seen in 401 B.C. by Socrates : a readiness to dispense with the 
services of so doubtful a citizen.! 

The effect of it was to throw Xenophon more completely 
into the hands of the Spartan authorities, and led eventually 
to those close relations with Agesilaus, affecting the whole tenor 
of his future life, which it is now our business to consider. 

It has already been suggested that in the spring of 399 B.c, 
after handing over the remnant of the Cyreians to the Spartan 
Thibron at Pergamus, Xenophon himself, being free to return 
home, returned to Europe, possibly to Athens, or more prob- 
ably no farther than to Megara, where in the society of the 
Socratics and perhaps of the Spartan Lysander, he may have 
found time to set his affairs in order,? during the space of a 
month or two, after which he returned tothe Aeolid. Accord- 
ing to another view, which is quite as probable, he never left 
Asia at all at this season, but continued in command, actually 


1 The offence, such as it was, was the consequence of an original false step, 
but under the circumstances it may well have been made to appear unpardon- 
able. Friendship with Cyrus, and Laconism! We, too, know the force of 
political catchwords. We do not know, of course, how the charge was 
brought against him ; what the procedure, or what the court was. But if he 
could have pleaded his case, or, better still, if Lysias could have pleaded it 
for him, we can guess the sort of topics he would have insisted on, He might 
have urged mutatis mutandis what he urged in the case of Mantitheus, with 
whose character Xenophon’s is comparable, that ‘‘ brilliant, ambitious young 
Athenian, burning to fulfil the Homeric ideal by distinguishing himself in 
council as in war; an Alcibiades made harmless by the sentiment of chivalry.” 
See SirR.Jebb, Aztic Or. vol. i. ch. x. p. 247. 

2 #.g. there were his histories, Hel/enica A (and the commencement 
of B[?]) unless already published, and notes for the Life of Socrates, to be 


attended to, 


xl SKETCH OF THE 


or virtually, of the six thousand Cyreians, now amalgamated 
with the Spartan forces under Thibron. 

His presence at the scene of action is proved by the 
minuteness of detail with which he describes the successive 
campaigns of the following years (summer and winter), and by 
one or two suggestive phrases, in which he may be supposed 
to refer to himself. He had many friends in this part of the 
world. Here’ too he found that dearest friend of all, his wife 
Philesia.1 Xenophon, whatever the date of his arrival, is very 
much at home in the Aeolid. His friendship with some of 
the leading families was helpful to the general; but the 
behaviour of the Cyreians was not altogether satisfactory to 
the allies, as we discover presently ; and before the end of his 
term of office Thibron was superseded by Dercylidas (autumn 
of 399 B.c.), and eventually banished on a charge, preferred 
against him by the allies, of allowing his troops to pillage 
their friends. Dercylidas was a very different person. He 
is graphically described by Xenophon as an inventive and 
versatile diplomatist, who went by the nickname of Sisyphus.” 
He probably received the troops from Thibron in Ephesus in 
the fall of the year 399 B.c.; and at once began to turn to 
account the well-known jealousy subsisting between the two 
Persian satraps Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus. Making terms 
with the former in the south, he proceeded to attack Pharnabazus 
in the north. Diplomacy and a touch of animosity, since he 
owed the satrap of Phrygia a personal grudge, dictated this 


1 His intimacy with the Greek families descended respectively from Gongylus 
the Eretrian and Damaratus the ex-king of Sparta is established by what is 
narrated on pp. 238-240 of this volume (Azad, VIII. viii. 8-26), with which 
should be compared the account given of Thibron’s prosecution of the war, 
now that he had received so stalwart an addition to his forces, and aided by the 
families in question. ‘This is to be found in //e//, III. i. 5, 6. Thibron, who 
had no desire to cope with the Asiatic cavalry, seems to have clung to the high 
ground until the arrival of the Cyreians. After that he was free to, descend 
into the plains. Pergamus, Teuthrania, and Halisarna, places which belonged 
to Eurysthenes and Procles the descendants of Damaratus, gave in their adhesion. 
Gambrium and Palaegambrium, Myrsina and Grynium, were brought over by 
Xenophon’s friends, the brothers Gorgion and Gongylus (the sons of Hellas) 
respectively, Others Thibron took by storm, but balking at Egyptian Larissa, 
(see Cyrop. VII. i. 45), was ordered by the Ephors to march south into Caria 
(the satrapy of Tissaphernes). 

2 avip Soxay elvan udha unxavixds Kal émexaetro d¢ Licudos (/ell. 111.1. 8). 


LIFE OF XENOPHON xli 


movement. Before the winter of 399 commenced we are 
back again in the Aeolid. Xenophon is certainly there 
too.! The dramatic skill of the writer is the chief matter of 
biographic interest here; and for literary purposes we must 
bear in mind that the experiences of these years, 399 B.c. and 
onwards, will eventually form the material not only for the 
remaining portions of his He//endca, but also for the Cyropaedia 
and other writings. All these matters, grave or. gay, are grist 
to the author’s mill. This cannot be too emphatically insisted 
on. When and where he found leisure to take notes or pen 
paragraphs we may conjecture, but cannot positively state.? 

Thus during these winters, and in the intervals of warlike 
operations, I can imagine that Xenophon all along found time 
for study. Here he jotted a note and there he composed a 
chapter, while for the rest, even on march or in the battlefield 
he had a clear head and a strong visualising faculty, so that 
many of the events recorded in his histories are as plainly given 
as if they had only the day before been written on the tablets 
of the brain. Vividness—that it is which gives’ the charm to 
these historical writings. The campaign in the Aeolid of 
Pharnabazus, in which the wily Laconian took eight cities in 
as many days and reduced Pharnabazus to terms, is of this sort.? 
So is the next campaign in Bithynian Thrace during the winter 
of 399-398 B.C, in which we find ourselves once more in 
company with a contingent of Odrysians sent over by Seuthes. 
We know this part of the world already,* and the ways of the 
folk. 

The proceedings of the next year (398 B.c.) are not less 
graphically told as by an eye-witness ; and here occurs one of 
the passages in which Xenophon appears to refer to himself. 
We are at Lampsacus ; the Spartan commissioners have come 

1 « The very circumstantial details which Xenophon gives about the pro- 
ceedings of Derkylidas against Meidias in the Troad seem to indicate that he 
was there in person”’ (Grote, 7. G, ix, 294). 

2 The second part of the Hedlenica (7.e. the history of events during 399- 
387 B.C.) was not finally put into shape for several years; and is one of 
the products, I take it, amongst several others of his Scilluntine leisure. The 
third part of the Hellenica (387-362 B.C.) was probably put into its final shape 


at Corinth or possibly at Athens. 3 ffeil, III. ii. aa 
4 See Anaéb, VI. p. 176 foll., and VII. passim, p. 21g foll.; Hed/. ITI. 


ii. 2-5. 


xlii SKETCH OF THE 


to inform Dercylidas that his term of office is to be prolonged 
for another year. Reference is made to the late charges 
against the troops. The commissioners call a meeting of the 
soldiers and make plain to them the views of the home 
authorities. Such proceedings would not be tolerated—just 
dealing by the allies would not be unrewarded. To which the 
representative of the Cyreians 6 tv Kupelwv rpoeotnkdés makes 
a highly Xenophontine answer. “We,” said he, “are the same 
men as we were last year; but we are under a different general. 
You need not look further for an explanation.”! Dercylidas 
having renewed the truce with Pharnabazus for the summer, 
is now off on an expedition to the Thracian Chersonese.” He 
goes through the territory of Seuthes and is hospitably enter- 
tained by him. Having fortified the Isthmus? he is presently 
back again in Asia, and laying siege to Atarneus.* This place 
he reduces in eight months—and garrisons as half-way house, 
and so returns to Ephesus—at the close of 398 B.c. 

This winter (398-397 B.C.), again, may well have been spent 
by Xenophon quietly in Ephesus. It is perhaps the year in 
which his son (or sons, if twins) was born to him. It was 
the city, it will be recollected, of Xenophon’s patron divinity. 
Here was the great temple of Artemis. Here too lived his 
friend Megabyzus, the sacristan of the goddess. Hitherto 
Tissaphernes and Dercylidas had no quarrel; the barbarian 
and Greek population spent their days in peace. But at this 
date the Spartan government, urged on by the allies, determined 
to force the satrap to grant independence to the Hellenic cities. 
Dercylidas received orders to march into Caria. In combina- 
tion with the Spartan admiral Pharax operating by sea, he was 
to attack Tissaphernes in house and home. ‘The result of this 
movement on his part was a coalition between the northern 

UP FIc/c. Ly lie 7m See Gxote lit Gaix COO mB Oe 

2 Hell. III. ii. 9; cf. Diod. xiv. 39; see Grote, H. G. ix. 353. It was at 
this date, the summer of 398 B.c., that Pharnabazus, as I suspect, took the 
opportunity of paying a visit to the court of Persia. See above, p. xxxvii. ; 


also Chron. Tables of Greek Hist., Carl Peter, p. 84 note 163, of Mr. 
Chawner’s translation. 

3 See Anad. p. 154, also p. 2, of this volume. 

4 A place occupied by Chian exiles (old friends of the Democracy perhaps), 
who harry Ionia (/e//. III. ii. rx). The officer left as governor or émrumednr7s, 
Dracon of Pellene, is named in the Panegyrikos of Isocrates, p. 70. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON xlili 


and southern satraps. The overtures came from Pharnabazus. 
Though he had little stomach for the overlordship of Tissa- 
phernes, who had stepped into the place of Cyrus, he was 
smarting under the loss of the Aeolid, and entertained decided 
views as to the propriety of driving the Hellenes—that is to 
say, the Spartans—out of Asia. 

The campaign of 397 B.c.t began boldly but was blood- 
less. Having fortified Caria the two satraps marched towards 
Ionia. Dercylidas followed. In the valley of the Maeander, 
which was deep in corn, the army found itself in the pre- 
sence of the united Persian forces. Our informant has the 
graphic pen of the war correspondent. Suddenly from a 
specular mount we sight them—white-shielded Carians, and 
the whole Persian force under arms, with a couple of Hellenic 
divisions in pay of either satrap, and a cloud of cavalry. 
The situation is admirably described, as by an eye-witness. 
While Dercylidas marshals his forces with the precision of 
a Spartan general, the faint-hearted allies drop their arms in 
the long corn and run off. Meanwhile Pharnabazus is eager 
enough to join battle, but Tissaphernes has little hankering to 
engage with Hellenes ; he has tasted the quality of the Cyreians 
already, and the rest, he argues, will be like them.? He sends 
by preference messengers proposing an interview, ‘“‘ The wily 
Spartan gave audience to the envoys in front of a body of 
picked men (rovs kpaticrovs Ta €idn TOV TEpt adtav Kal immrewv 
kat me(ov—was Xenophon one of these ?), affected to receive 
their proposals with indifference, and demanded an exchange 
of pledges” ; so Thirlwall, after Xenophon, recounts the scene. 
Our minds, with Xenophon’s, revert to a similar situation four 
years previously,’ for so in these trifles history repeats itself. 
The scenery is sketched with the old familiar touches. When 
these formalities were concluded, the armies retired for the 


1 Hell, Ill. ii. 12 foll. 

2 Here isa personal touch. Xenophon is proud of the Cyreians. ‘O wévro 
Ticoagépyns 76 Te Kiipevov orpdrevya karadoyifouevos ws émoh€unoey avrots Kal 
rovTw mdvras voulfwy duolous eivar rods EAqvas ovK €BoveTOo pd.xer Bat aNNG 
méupas mpos Aepxvdlday elmer, bre eis NOyous BovAoTo airy agpucéo bat. 
Ffell. II. ii. 18 foll. 

3 Clearchus’s interview with the king’s envoys on Sept. 6, gor. Axad. IIL. 


ilk 695. PDs 40sa 475 


xliv SKETCH OF THE 


night: the Asiatic to Tralles in Caria, the Hellenic to 
Leucophrys, where was a temple of Artemis most holy, and 
a sandy-bottomed lake more than a furlong broad, fed by a 
warm spring of water fit for drinking. The next day Dercy- 
lidas demanded the autonomy of the Greek cities; Tissa- 
phernes and Pharnabazus the withdrawal of the troops from 
Asia and the harmosts from the cities. Both parties agreed 
to report progress; Dercylidas to the home authorities, and 
Tissaphernes to the king at Susa. There was truce meanwhile. 

Here is a lull in affairs, during which the historian pauses 
also to chronicle the march of events in Europe! during the 
same space of time (401 B.c.-397 B.c.) He has to recount 
the coercive measures of Sparta in Elis, and the seizure of the 
Triphylia ; the accession of Agesilaus, lame in body but whole 
of spirit, upon the death of Agis; the discovery of grave 
domestic discord and the conspiracy of Cinadon ; the alarming 
news of a huge Persian armada, fitting out in Phoenicia, the 
object of which was unmistakable. This report reached Sparta 
as it were by accident. A Syracusan master of a merchant 
vessel (named Herodas), whilst trafficking in those regions, 
had seen the great galleys collecting and in all stages of 
equipment.2. The excitement at Sparta was great. The allies 
were summoned, and war with Persia was resolved upon. The 
new king, Agesilaus, supported by Lysander,? who wished to 
restore his Decarchies, accepted the duty of leading the host ; 
and in the spirit of another Agamemnon, started. How he 
fared at Aulis has already been related.* 

Our immediate concern is with the intimacy which presently 
sprang up between the Spartan king and Xenophon. The two 
men were mutually drawn to one another. Xenophon, already, 


1 Hell, Il. ii, 21-31; iii., and iv. 1. This method of arrangement is 
significant of a new departure in the style of writing history. In his earlier 
work he had naturally followed (more or less consistently) the Thucydidean 
method of chronicling events by summers and winters. 

2 See Xenophon’s description of ‘‘ the great Phoenician”’ in the Economist 
(viii. rx). The history of the matter is to be found in some fragments of 
Ctesias preserved by Photius; and in Diodorus. See Grote, H. G. ix. 354 
note; and p. xxxvii., saprva, for the persons concerned in planning the alliance 
between Athens and the king. 

3 See his allusion to the Cyreians, He//. III. iv. 2. 

4 And may be read in the pages of Xenophon and Plutarch. 


’ 


LIFE OF XENOPHON xlv 


as I believe, in exile (or, if the other view be right, still free to 
return to Athens), was fascinated by so vigorous a personality.} 
The new-comer was not only a Heracleid, a king descended 
from the loins of kings, but there was that about him which 
prognosticated the right prince. Perhaps Xenophon admired 
him the more because of the infirmity of his body, seeing 
that he had an eager and heroic soul within. As a practical 
man he fully sympathised with the quest upon which he 
was sent out. He had long ago discovered how easily the 
Persian empire might be invaded, and by strategic methods 
sapped. He had pondered over the problems of its dis- 
solution and absorption. On the other hand, Agesilaus could 
not but appreciate highly the Athenian—whether or not he 
had already incurred banishment as an over-zealous admirer 
of Spartan institutions. With his combined literary and 
philosophic tastes, his military training and experience, his 
local knowledge of the country and the character of the 
Persians and their subject nations, he was exactly the man 
to keep by his side if possible as his political adviser. Before 
many months had passed the intimacy was sealed, and from 
this date onwards (396 B.c.), or a little later, we must think 
of Xenophon not perhaps in command of the Cyreians so 
much as attached to the staff of the general-in-chief. Cicero 
speaks of him as the instructor and inspirer of Agesilaus.2 In 
his own more technical phrase he figures, if I mistake not, 
among the émixaipuou. of the Spartan king. He is one of 
“‘those about him,” and the two became fast friends. 

Perhaps at this date one of the minor services rendered by 
Xenophon to his patron was to help in organising the cavalry.® 
Whether that particular function devolved on him personally 


1 #.g. as shown in his setting down of Lysander, He//. III. iv. Agesilaus, 
even more than the younger Cyrus, is the prototype in Xenophon’s imagina- 
tion of the ‘‘right prince”—Cyrus of the Cyvopaedia. Cf. Sidney’s Ax 
Apologie for Poetrie, 1595—‘‘ So right a prince as Xenophon's Cyrus”’ (p. 25). 

2 Cic. de Or, III. xxxiv. Curtius says that he took the place of Lysander 
when the latter was disgraced. See H. G. (Eng. tr., iv. p. 213), bk. v. 
ch. iii. That he was no longer in immediate command of the Cyreians, if 
indeed he had ever held that post officially since March 399 B.C., is proved by 
the statement in Hed/. III. iv. 20. 

3 See Hell. III. iv. 14; and for his interest in this branch of the service 


see Hipparch. ix. 9; Cyrop. IV. iii. 4 foll. and Zassim. 


ie SKETCH OF THE 


may be doubted ; but to his keen interest in the undertaking 
and sympathy with the spirit of emulation fostered by the 
‘archic’ man for training regiments of infantry and squadrons 
of cavalry, and one arm against another arm, we have ample 
testimony in those pages of the /edenica which concern the 
present moment. Certain chapters are all aglow with organisa- 
tion conducted on the competitive principle, and, as I must 
once more remind my readers, these passages will repeat them- 
selves, sometimes phrase for phrase, in parallel pages of the 
Cyropaedia. If the separation from his country, and the 
fading hopes of attaining glory at Athens, and the loss of 
familiar scenes and faces were a source of deep regret to him, 
as doubtless was the case,! there were. certain consolations 
here. ‘Patria, bonis, amicis, genitoribus abero”; but then 
he had his wife and children, as we imagine, to visit during 
leisure. He had many dissolving views of scenery, cities of 
men and actors upon life’s daily stage, to interest him artistic- 
ally. There was the excitement of military preparation, there 
were chance expeditions to whet the soul and nerve the body 
—and the business of soldiering was relieved by sport. 

It is impossible in this sketch to follow the story of Xeno- 
phon’s life as minutely as he has given it—since there is 
scarcely a page of his history for at least ten years which does 
not reveal some one or other of his experiences or reflections. 
Indeed, so far as reflections are concerned, the remark applies 
to the whole of the /el/enica, and, as I have before said, to 
most of his writings, the autobiographic transparency of which 
is extraordinary and leaves no doubt on our minds as to the 
essential underlying qualities of the writer’s nature: his patient 
courage, his healthy human-heartedness, his painstaking care- 
fulness, his noble ambition, and his reverential piety.? 

It was an early experience of Persian warfare in 396 B.c. 
which had revealed to Agesilaus the need of cavalry. He 


1 The terms in which he speaks of exile as one of the great admitted mis- 
fortunes of life, seem to show it ; and from the man’s friendly nature we must 
needs divine it. 

2 «aprepla, piravOpwmia, émyédera, pirorysla, edoéBea, ‘These are the 
Xenophontine virtues. 

3 In Phrygia, where the Greek cavalry were repulsed by the Persian horse 
of Pharnabazus near Dascylium, Hed/. III. iv. 13. The prior events may 


LIFE OF XENOPHON xlvii 


spent the winter therefore in organising that arm. Inthe 
spring of the next year (395 B.c.) he collected his whole army 
at Ephesus, which, in the glowing language of the historian, 
became a colossal workshop of war.! 

At the beginning of the official year Lysander and his 
Thirty were replaced by Herippidas and his Thirty. One of 
these officers, named Xenocles, with another unnamed officer,? 
was put in command of the cavalry ; another of them, Scythes, 
commanded the neodamode hoplites; Herippidas himself 
the Cyreians (which was apparently a corps délite); and a 
fourth of them, Migdon, the contingents from the states. The 
king warned them (and his voice is the voice of the elder 


be briefly summarised thus: Leaving Aulis, Agesilaus sailed to Geraestus, 
where he collected his forces (thirty Spartans, two thousand neodamodes, and 
six thousand allies), and thence to Ephesus. Tissaphernes at once demanded 
why he had come, and was told, to secure the full autonomy of the Greek 
Asiatic cities. The satrap proposed a truce in order to consult the king, but, 

’ with his wonted treachery, took occasion instead to send to the king for a large 
addition to his forces ; Agesilaus conscientiously adhered to the treaty. In this 
interval occurred the humiliation of Lysander, who was sent to the Hellespont, 
and did good service by persuading Spithridates (see Azad. VI. v. 7, p. 186, 
for this officer) to revolt from Pharnabazus. ‘Tissaphernes, now reinforced, de- 
clared war, unless Agesilaus chose to withdraw from Asia. To this ultimatum 
Agesilaus replied with a cheerful countenance, pddra pardp@ TO mpoowmryw (com- 
pare the description of Clearchus in the Azadasis), bidding the envoys to 
take back his thanks to Tissaphernes for having so secured the hostility of 
heaven by his perjury, 67 émvopxyjcas av’ros ev modeulous Tovs Beovs ExTHTATO 
tois 0 "ENAnow ovpydxous émolncev, and deceiving Tissaphernes by a skilful 
ruse, marched not upon Caria but into Phrygia. 

1 Xenophon’s description glows with enthusiasm. The passage is quoted 
by Polybius (xii. 20, 7) and others. délay 6é kal Odnv thy modu, ev 7H Fy, 
Géas érolnoev* i Te yap ayopa Fv weoth mavrooaray kal immwy Kal ordwy 
aviwp of Te xadkoTUmoa Kal of TéxToves Kal of xadxels Kal of cxuToTdpo. Kal 
of furypdpor mavres TokemKad Ora KaTeckedafoy, WaTE Thy wodey byTWS 
olecOat Tohémov éepyactnptoy etvar. émeppwabn Ody Tis Kal éxeivo dur, 
*Aynolrhaoy wey mpOrov, mera dé Kal rods &\Nous oTparibras éoTepaywpevous 
amo Tov yupvacluw dmévtas kal dvaribévras Tovs orepdvous TH ’Apréuco.. 
drov yup dvdpes Oeovs wev céBowrTo, Ta 5é TodeutKa doKolev, meBapyely de 
peder@ev, TOs ovK eikds EvTatOa mavTa perTta éArldwy dyabdy ecivar; Hell. 
III. iv. 16-19. See Xen. Works, IJ. p. 29 for a translation of the passage. 

2 rovTwy Hevoxréa pev kal Gov erakey él rods immets, DKvOnv oe éml 
rovs veodauddes daNiras, Hplarmday 5 ért rods Kupelous, Miydwva dé emt 
rovs ard Tv roédewy oTpaTibras, Kal mpoeirev avrots, ws evOUs HynooLTo Tiy 
cwropwrdrny éml ra KpdtisTa THs Xwpas, Srws abrddev otrw Th THPATA Kal 
Tv yopny TapackevdfouwTo ws aywviotpevot, fell. Il. iv. 20. Who is 
meant by &\\ov? If he was one of the Thirty, why is he not named with 
the other four officers? Is it possibly Xenophon himself? 


xlvill SKETCH OF THE 


Cyrus in Xenophon’s romance) of his intention to march 
through the roughest districts of the country, in order to whet 
their souls and bodies against the day of battle, which was not 
long. And this he did, marching upon Sardis. He met the 
enemy on the Pactolus, and defeated him. Part of the spoil 
was some camels, which, the historian tells us, Agesilaus im- 
ported into Greece.t Tissaphernes was in Sardis when the 
battle took place, and there he met his fate. Accused at Susa 
of mismanaging affairs, he was superseded by another satrap, 
Tithraustes, who was sent down with orders to behead him ; 
and so he died. ‘The new satrap had new terms to offer to 
the Spartan king. Agesilaus on his side would do nothing 
without sanction from the home authorities; but having got 
thirty talents from Tithraustes to support his army, he gave him 
respite, and retired north into the territory of Pharnabazus. 

Tithraustes meanwhile, who had grave suspicions that the 
Spartan had no intention of leaving Asia, but, on the contrary, 
was cherishing vast hopes of capturing the King himself, re- 
sorted to other tactics. 

It was now that the Rhodian Timocrates was sent with 
fifty talents of silver to visit the states of Greece, and so to 
work upon their leaders as to kindle the flame of war against 
Lacedaemon. The Rhodian with his thirty thousand ‘archers ’? 
visited Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, not without success. The 
Athenians, though they would have no share of the gold, 
were equally eager for the war; vopifovres adtdv 75 dpyew 
“empire belonged to themselves ”—that was their creed. It 
was thus that the coalition of the allies was cemented, and now 
that everything was ready, the Thebans, according to the his- 
torian,® set the springs of hostility in motion. The disposition 
to war they found already existing ; a pretext only was wanting, 
and this they easily devised. It was to set the Locrians of 
Opus and the Phocians by the ears. Presently the Thebans 


1 See Grote, HW. G. ix. 432; and for the use of camels in battle, Cyrof. 
Wilis 22, 28; 485 Pollanoa, DAo, 

2 «The coin of Persia is stamped with the figure of an archer,’ Plut. 
Ages. (Clough, iv. 19). 

3 So Thirlwall (vol. iv. p. 391) after Xenophon, Hed/. III. Cf. Grote, ix. 
397-408, and Curtius, bk, v. iv. (vol. iv, 221-224, Eng. trans.) for their views 
of the Phocian war, 


LIFE OF XENOPHON xlix 


found themselves in the position of champions defending the 
Locrians, and Sparta the Phocians. Either state was really 
anxious to fly at the other’s throat. The Laconians had not 
forgotten how the Thebans had claimed a tithe of the spoil 
dedicated to Apollo in the Deceleian war ; nor, yet again, how 
they had not only refused to join in the expedition against Pir- 
aeus (in B.c. 403), but had induced the Corinthians to refuse 
also ; nor, last of all, their late affront to King Agesilaus at 
Aulis. Indeed they thought the moment opportune, and 
rushed hastily into war, sending Lysander into Phocis. Here 
that officer was to raise forces and march upon Haliartus, where 
Pausanias, the Spartan king, was to join him with the Pelopon- 
nesian forces by a certain day. Lysander carried out his 
commission to the letter. He went farther: he brought over 
Orchomenus. Pausanias the while was collecting his forces at 
Tegea. 

The Thebans, finding that they were to be invaded by a 
Laconian army, sent an embassy to Athens. Their speech 
does great credit to the envoys and to Xenophon’s historic 
imagination. It was a delicate matter for a Theban to ad- 
dress the ecclesia at Athens. ‘There were many ancient pre- 
judices to be overcome and painful recollections to be effaced. 
The orator begins with the most poignant of these: the atti- 
tude of Thebes at the end of the great war, when they had 
proposed to wipe Athens off the face of Hellas. But that was 
not the vote of a free constitutional city, it was the wicked 
design of a single man; whereas on a later and happier occa- 
sion, when they had refused to march upon Piraeus, the whole 
city passed that resolution. It was their conduct then which 
had brought down upon them the wrath of Sparta now. He 
presses the claim of obligation home on the city party and on 
the Democracy in turn. He kindles their imaginations by 
appeals to the well-known ambition of the city to recover empire. 

“When we and you are standing shield and shield to- 
gether (cvvacridobvres), be sure the enemies of Sparta will 
spring up by thousands on every side. Laconians are hated 
everywhere—by Argos of old, by Elis in modern times. 

1 Hell. III. v. 8-15. ‘‘ The speech of the Theban envoys sets forth strik- 
ingly the case against Sparta as it then stood,” Grote, H. G, ix. 405. 

é 


1 SKETCH OF TEE 


Corinthians, Arcadians, and Achaeans, one and all, like our- 
selves, detest them for good reasons. We are tired of fighting 
their battles and receiving no share of the reward of toil. 
They appoint their helots! as harmosts, and now in the day of 
their success belord it over their allies, who are after all free 
men. No set of people have suffered more than your own 
subject allies, who clutched at liberty and have embraced a 
twofold slavery. They lie between the upper and the nether 
millstone of the harmost and Lysander’s Decarchy. And what 
of the great king who contributed the heaviest item towards 
your overthrow? With him it fares to-day no better than if he 
had supplied Athens instead of Sparta with the sinews of war. 
Now then is your opportunity. Put yourself at the head of 
all these victims of Spartan injustice, and you will regain your 
empire. You will more than regain it. Athens will be the 
mistress not of a maritime force only as of yore, but of all of 
us. We, and the Peloponnesians, and your former subjects, and 
the king himself with his vast armament, will follow your leader- 
ship. We were staunch allies to Sparta in the past. How much 
more staunch shall we be to Athens now when we are fighting, 
not for islanders, or Syracusans, or other foreigners, as in the 
late war, but for ourselves who have suffered foul wrong! Your 
empire crumbled ; how much more readily will this fabric of 
selfishness called Sparta fall to pieces! Your empire was 
based on a naval power, which they lack. ‘Theirs is a system 
of selfish dominance, the tyranny of a handful of people 
exercised over numbers equally well armed. Now is your 
time, men of Athens. We summon you to a fortune far 
happier for Athens even than for Thebes.” The assembly 
unanimously voted the alliance, and that too in spite of the 
fact pointed out by Thrasybulus to the envoys, that Athens lay 
midway between the belligerents with dismantled walls.? But 
they had not forgotten the debt of gratitude due to Thebes 
during the troubles of the Thirty. They would run the risk. 
Into the history of this campaign I need not enter. 
Lysander was slain at Haliartus; Pausanias arrived too late, 


1 Compare with this indictment Xenophon’s own strictures on the de- 


generacy of Sparta in the appendix chapter to his Lacedaemonian Polity, xiv. 
CE IAA, MING si HS 


LIFE OF XENOPHON li 


and in the face of the united forces of Thebes and Athens, 
presently fell back. The feeling of irritation at Sparta vented 
itself on Pausanias, who, being condemned to death, retired to 
Tegea. His son Agesipolis succeeded to the throne. 

To return to Agesilaus and Xenophon. The autumn cam- 
paign of 395 B.c. in Asia was directed against Pharnabazus 
and Phrygia. At the suggestion of Lysander’s friend Spithri- 
dates,t who undertook to introduce the native ruler of the 
country to the Spartan, it was extended to Paphlagonia.? To 
bring over one of the nations subject to the great king was 
much to the taste of Agesilaus. The interview was most suc- 
cessful. The independent chieftain Otys was quite ready to 
make an alliance. Thereupon to reward Spithridates for his 
services, and to strengthen Spartan interests in Asia, Agesilaus, 
with a diplomacy worthy of Xenophon’s ‘‘archic” man,? set 
himself to negotiate a match between King Otys and the 
daughter of Spithridates. The details are given in Xenophon’s 
romantic manner, and remind one of the Cyropaedia. So does 
the scenery of Dascylium, Pharnabazus’ residence, now occu- 
pied by the Spartan king, with its parks and forests abounding 
in game of every kind. Here in winter quarters lay the army 
comfortably, and Xenophon, we may be sure, found time for 
sport * (there was hunting, fishing, and fowling to be had), as 
also for literary exercises and meditations. 


1 See above, p. xlvii. This must certainly, I think, be the officer mentioned 
In -4gao, Vi. Ve 7, Dp. 186. 

2 This independent chieftain, here called Otys (and in the Ages. iii. 4, 
‘*Cotys’’), seems to bear a striking resemblance to Corylas in the Azad, V. 
iv. 8, p. rsx. Here it is said of him, kat yap kadotmevos vd Bacihéws ovK 
dvaBeBnxe, Hell, IV. i, 2; there the words are xal viv ofrou (the Paphlagon- 
ians) oJ mapeyévovTo Bacirel KadovyTl, ada peElfov Ppovel 0 apxwv avTay. 
That was in 400 B.c. Within five years the chief may have changed, but not 
the independence of the people. d 

3 Hell, IV. i. 4 foll. So the ‘‘archic” man, the ‘‘right prince” of the 
Cyrop., is a great matchmaker. 

4 kal Ojpar ai pev Kal ev mepretpypévors rapadeloos, ai dé kal dvamemra- 
pévos Tomo, mayKkahat. mepiépper d€ Kal morauos mayrodariy ixAiov 
mrIpns. fv dé kal ra mrnva. dpOova rots dpyiOeboar Svvapévors, Hell, IV. i. 
is. If only he had mentioned the particular fauna of the district and the 
methods of fowling! Aed/. 1V. i. 15 foll. Dascylium is on the Propontis (Sea 
of Marmora). A modern traveller quoted in Murray’s Turkey in Asia, 1878, 
p. 134, says: ‘‘ The fauna of Olympus is also rich. Roe-deer and wild boar 
are very abundant ; red-deer are also found, together with foxes, jackals, and 


li SKETCH OF THE 


It was not all play, however, for the satrap, ousted from 
house and home, was ever ready to pounce upon marauding 
parties, or gave occasion himself for some deed of emprise. 
Scene upon scene, these incidents of the campaign present 
themselves. It is like turning over the leaves of an artist’s 
note-book ; or, more truly, these are finished sketches illustra- 
tive of the matter in hand, which will by and by themselves 
be turned to new account as the material of more elabo- 
rate compositions. And what a ripple of sunny gladness plays 
over these leaves! what joy in mere living they reveal ! what 
a merry-go-round of soldierly adventure! what an absolute 
freedom from ennui! what contrasts! The gipsy life of the 
roving Persian satrap; the brilliant raid of Herippidas ; the 
sudden departure in dudgeon of Spithridates and his Paphla- 
gonians.1 The crowning scene is an interview between Agesi- 
laus and the satrap. It was arranged by a certain Cyzicene 
Greek named Apollophanes, an old friend of the satrap’s 
and a new friend of the king’s. The trysting-place was a 
grassy mead, where Agesilaus and his Thirty lay outstretched 
on the sward awaiting the arrival of Pharnabazus, who appeared 
ere long in magnificent golden apparel. His courtiers and 
attendants began to lay down carpets and cushions for their 
lord. But the satrap was too well bred to indulge in dis- 
plays of luxury as if in contrast with Spartan simplicity. 
He too, without more ado, reclined upon the greensward. 
The interview is dramatically conducted in the _historian’s 
favourite manner. It is also a chapter in political diplomacy. 
The language used by Pharnabazus brought a blush to the 
cheeks of those over-aggressive Spartans. It is impossible not 
wolves. Eagles, of more than one species, were constantly in sight. Vultures 
are occasionally met with, and the red-legged partridge, quail, and woodcock 
are abundant.” The whole description of the hunting-grounds, parks, and 
open country has its parallel in the Cyropaedia. It was here, too, as well as 


on the field of Cunaxa, that Xenophon made the study of Scythian chariots 
(§ 7), which he elaborated into the monograph on the subject in Cyrop. V1. i. 
52 foll. 

1 To complete the story—these barbarians could not understand the regula- 
tions of the Spartan quartermaster-general touching spoil. So off they went 
to throw in their lot with Ariaeus, who had also, it seems, revolted from the 
king. Sell. IV. i. 26 foll. 


2 7b. IV. i. 29-38. Apollophanes is another of the ‘‘ go-betweens.’’ See 
above. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON li 


to admire the courteous independence of the Persian. Our 
sympathies are touched. Like Agesilaus, we are ready to 
grasp the satrap’s hand and assure him of our warmest regard. 
Surely Xenophon was seated there amongst the Thirty, if not 
of them. To the more serious business there is a pretty after- 
scene—the seal of reconciliation between king and satrap. 

It was about the beginning of spring in the year 394 B.c. 
when, in accordance with his promise to Pharnabazus, the 
Spartan king withdrew from Phrygia. Reaching Thebe’s 
plain, he encamped in the neighbourhood of the temple of 
Artemis of Astyra, and began collecting a numerous host 
from all sides. His preparations were made with a view to 
marching up as far as possible into the heart of the Persian 
dominions, and in the progress of this march he reckoned on 
being able to detach one nation after another from the king. 

What hold such a project must exercise on the minds of 
those concerned, and on Xenophon in particular, we can well 
imagine. Some years later,? when the hegemony of Sparta 
was scarcely more widely admitted than at this season, the 
democratic orator Lysias urged at Olympia the duty of pan- 
Hellenic combination against the tyrant of the west, Dionysius, 
and the tyrant of the east, Artaxerxes. At a later Olympic 
festival Isocrates in his Panegyrikos still more elaborately 
argued in favour of an attack on Persia, which ancient wrongs 
and present opportunity alike demanded. “If for Hellas’ 
sake our fathers rallied against Troy, ought not an insult to 


1 See Grote, H. G. ix. 387. All these internunciatory stories reveal a side 
of Greek character (I scarcely like to think of Xenophon’s own character, and 
yet he has a touch of it) which I hardly know how to name. I fear the word 
‘‘flunkeyism’’ must be uttered. In us, at any rate, the thing I am aware of 
would amount to flunkeyism ; and in the Alexandrian period there is no doubt 
about it. There is flunkeyism ad mauseam there. Xenophon and his friends 
are saved by the grace and obvious dignity of the narrative. They do not 
sacrifice their own liberty of action; but whether for artistic purposes or 
because he feels the glamour of orientalism, he surrounds his archic man (be 
it Agesilaus or Cyrus the Great) with too many scraping courtiers and nodding 
satellites, in too oriental a fashion, ws ye éuol doxe?. See Cyrop, passim. 

2 Either 384 B.c., as Grote (H. G. x. 103 ore) and others think, or in the 
preceding Olympiad, 388 B.c., which isSirR.Jebb's view, See his reasons 
for accepting this as the date of the Olympiakos of Lysias (Attic Orators, 1. 204 
note 2, The date of Isocrates’ Panegyrikos is undoubtedly 380 B.c., I think ; 
op. cit, vol. ii. ch. xvi. p. 150 foll. I have freely ayailed myself of Sir R. Jebb’s 
analysis of both speeches, 


liv SKETCH OF—THE 


Hellas to kindle a war now—a war which will move forward, 
not liable to repulse, but with the stately progress of a sacred 
embassy?” This was in 380 B.c. Fourteen years previously 
Agesilaus was looking forward to a march moving forward not 
liable to repulse; and he had good reasons for so prognosti- 
cating. He chanced also to have with him the best authority 
on such a matter in the person of Xenophon himself, who could 
tell him in plain terms (what the Olympic orator did not fail to 
introduce as the climax of his argument), the inherent weakness 
of Persia. ‘Some stand in awe of his strength. Were he 
indeed strong that would be but another reason for attacking 
him before he is stronger. But he is not strong.” Xenophon 
might have anticipated the very language of the orator. “I 
pass over the successes against Persia of Dercylidas, of 
Dracon, of Thibron, of yourself Agesilaus. Nor is the mettle 
of the Persian troops better than the quality of Persian 
generalship. This was well seen in our own case who ac- 
companied Cyrus. After the loss of our leaders, surrounded 
by difficulties of every kind, we effected our retreat as smoothly 
as if the Persian force, which sought to harass it, had been a 
guard of honour. Chastised when he invaded Europe, de- 
feated on the seaboard of Asia, the Persian king has actually 
been mocked under the walls of his own palaces.”! To the 
Greeks the practicability of the idea was now for the first time 
demonstrated. Its fascination needs no demonstration to 
ourselves. To attack the Barbarian was incumbent as a 
sacred duty, not only because he was the natural and common 
foe of Hellas, but for the unifying of the states of Hellas. So 
it appeared as an unselfish project which appealed directly to 
men’s consciences, and might at times be preached as a 
crusade.” Sooner or later it must be realised ; but the glory 
of its fulfilment was denied to Agesilaus,? and to him who was 
partly the inventor of it—Xenophon.* 

ae See 4700 lila WVvenAy spams we 

2 The parallel is so far tenable, in that the crusades were directed against the 
common foe of Christendom and tended to the unification of the nations of Europe. 

? Denied also to Jason of Pherae and to Philip, its realisation was, as all 
the world knows, reserved for Alexander. See Bacon's Works, iii. 313 
(Spedding and Ellis). 

4 See Plut. Ages. (Clough), iv. 10, 21, 23, 35, 40, for Xenophon’s relation 
to the Spartan king. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON lv 


Just when the march was about to be commenced, Epi- 
cydidas arrived from Sparta with the message of recall. 
Xenophon admires the Spartan discipline with which the king 
turned and obeyed. He is sorry for him. But in some 
respects he was himself the more to be pitied. Once more 
the chance of doing something which should redound to his 
honour was stolen from him. ‘There was in his case also a 
deeper calamity attending the change of programme. To follow 
Agesilaus homewards, in whatever capacity he went, was a 
double disaster. It was to run more than the ordinary risk of 
life, which was perhaps of little consequence ;! and it involved, 
further, his appearance in the field of battle in opposition to 
his own countrymen. 

If, as I suppose, he was already banished, possibly he had 
but little choice of action. All we know about the matter is 
from his own lips in a single passage.? It is not even plain, 
though an obvious inference from that passage, that he was 
present at Coronea. Plutarch (and it is only what any 
one else would be inclined to do) somewhat expands the 
remark, “‘ Xenophon, who was present and fought on Agesilaus’ 
side, reports it to be the hardest fought battle that he had seen.” 
Xenophon’s own description of the battle, it must be added, 
reads like that of an eye-witness, and for compressed force of 
language is a masterpiece of word painting often quoted by 
the ancient writers.? 

But the fact of his presence is one thing, the moral 
question another. In reference to this double problem I 
have little to say, except that I believe he was present, and not 
improbably in arms. He may have been in command of a 
division of cavalry, or he may have been simply attached to 


1 We may fairly credit Xenophony who was not so much philo-Laconian 
as aman cast in Dorian mould, with the desire to live and die ws cé\Nora 
(see Anab, passim), According to the epitaph of Plut. Pedop. (Clough), ii. 


y2o2—— 

. “ They died, but not as lavish of their blood, 
Or thinking death itself was simply good ; 
Their wishes neither were to live nor die, 
But to do both alike commendably.” 


2 Anabd, V. iii. 6, p. 140, compared with Plut. Ages. (Clough), iv. p. 2r. 
3 fell, IV. iii. 15 foll., especially § 19. Cf. Longinus, wepi tous, § 19. 
Xenophon himself repeats it in Cyvop. VIII. 1. 38. 


lvi SKETCH OF THE 


the staff of the general and performing the duty of an adjutant. 
In either case had he been taken prisoner it would have gone 
hard with him. Wherever he was, he was a keen observer of 
the fighting ; but he unfortunately does not mention as an eye- 
witness or from hearsay what part his own countrymen played. 
He merely tells us that they were posted in front of Herippidas 
and the foreign brigade, including, I suppose, the Cyreians. 
It is significant that he entered into private life soon after, 
unless perhaps for a few years he continued to attend Agesi- 
laus on some of his campaigns. It is further noticeable that 
no word of reproach in reference to his conduct on that 
day is raised against him by any ancient writer, contemporary 
or other; nor does any word drop from his lips in sign of 
an evil conscience. Yet it is he who has said some of 
the noblest things ever said touching the duty of a citizen 
to the state. Nor do I think that his share in the wider 
if more visionary sentiment of pan- Hellenic patriotism can 
be urged in explanation of his conduct, since, though doubt- 
less he was strongly swayed by it, he was not of so dull 
a wit that he could fail to distinguish between one duty and 
another. Nor again was he, nor could he feel himself to be, 
justified as an exile fighting for reinstatement, or for the sub- 
version of a pernicious government, de facto but not de jure 
dominant at home. He was not in the position of a follower 
of Hippias at Marathon, or of the Duke of Berwick at the 
Boyne, or of a French émigré noble in ’93. He could not 
possibly excuse himself by casuistical arguments suited to the 
later circumstances of mercenary generalship. The difficulty 
in which he was involved was not the result of a private con- 
nexion by marriage with a Seuthes or a Cotys. He was not 
in like case with some free-lance captain who, on a sudden 
turn of politics, should find himself in the employment of his 
country’s enemy, the other day its friend. The difficulty in 


1 The story of Charidemus would be illustrative were his not an exceptional 
case amongst the condottzerz of those times. ‘That of Iphicrates, taking part 
with his father-in-law Cotys and actually fighting against Athens, is more apt. 
See Demos. c. Aristocr. p. 664, § 153, érdAunoev brép Tov Kérvos mpayudarwv 
évavTia Tots bmeTépors orparnyois vauwaxelv. Grote, HZ. G. x. 410; Curt, 
Hf, G, v. 103, Eng. trans, ; Rehdantz, V7zt, /phic. Chabr. Timoth, Athenien- 
stum, V. §§ 7, 8. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON lvii 


Xenophon’s case was in some sort exceptional, and thé ex- 
planation of his behaviour obvious. In no case was _ his 
offence so heinous but that before the end of his days the 
sentence of exile was rescinded. This only happened indeed 
when the ‘“Boeotian” party at Athens had lost and the 
“Laconian” party had regained its power. At that date 
(possibly in 369 B.c.) Xenophon was not only reinstated 
legally, but was evidently regarded by his fellow-citizens as 
one whom they could well afford to be proud of. But con- 
cerning this matter, not more obscure indeed than it was 
unhappy, enough has been said. ‘The reader will form his 
own conclusion.! 

Agesilaus was wounded in the battle of Coronea, and taken 
home to Sparta. Thither Xenophon evidently, as I think, 
accompanied him, and with him there stayed for the next few 
years (between 394 B.c. and 389 B.c., or even so late as 387 B.c., 
the year of the peace of Antalcidas). He probably accom- 
panied Agesilaus on more than one campaign in this interval. 
He seems to have been with him during the expedition into 
Corinth ? (392 or 391 B.c.?), and at Peiraeum, when the news 
of the destruction of the mora by Iphicrates was brought. 
Possibly he was with him also the following year in Acarnania. 
There is the same minuteness of detail and vividness of 
description now and again in his chronicle of these years, 
which we have noted as a proof of the historian’s presence at 
the scene of action in Asia.® 

The two incidents of chief biographical importance for 


1 If he takes Grote’s view he will probably subscribe to the verdict of 
Niebuhr, ‘‘ Xenophon was not a good citizen,” albeit in other respects cdéA\o- 
rés Te Kal dpistos. For myself, I regard him as to some extent (how far it is 
impossible to say) a victim of circumstances. I also admit that the web in 
which he was eventually caught was very much of his own weaving. faczlis 
descensus; the fault was greatest when the act was slightest. He ought never to 
have joined Cyrus, the enemy of his country, on a wild-goose chase after glory. 
But how, being what he was, could he at that date have resisted the tempta- 
tion? and how could any one, except perhaps Socrates, have foreseen the 
mischief which would come of it? The remark in the Memoradzlia comes 
back to us: ‘‘ But those who refused to listen to his warning lived to repent 
of their obstinacy.” It is not the fashion of these Greeks to speak of personal 
joys and sorrows. He had too much xaprepia to bemoan his misfortune. 

2-Fiell, WV. iv. 197 IV. v. 25 IV. vi. 6 foll. 

3 See above, p. xl. foll. 


lvili SKETCH OF THE 


this whole period are now to be named. The first of these 
has indeed been already discussed in detail in a former foot- 
note—the latter has been more than once referred to. It 
was during his sojourn at Sparta, as Plutarch tells us, that at 
the instance of Agesilaus the exiled philosopher was persuaded 
to send for his children, and had them educated in the lore 
of Spartan chivalry. That is the first point. The second 
is that at a certain date—perhaps before, and probably 
not later than, 387 B.c.—he was sent as a colonist to Scillus 
by the Laconians, in appreciation of his services, and event- 
ually presented with a house and farm. Scillus was one of 
the Triphylian townships which had been taken from Elis in 
400 B.C. where the donors evidently wished to have some 
trusty person with a head upon his shoulders, to represent 
their interests. No doubt, in return for the gifts of leisure and 
security the new resident was expected to play the part of 
proxenos or consul to the Spartans. In both of these oppor- 
tunities so presented to him the philosopher is to be deemed 
happy. The first enabled him to bring up his children in 
what he probably regarded as the best education to be had in 
Hellas ; the other to write his books.? 

It was doubtless at Sparta that he collected facts and formed 
reflections, the fruit of which is to be found not only in the 
Lacedaemonian Polity (an immediate product of his sojourn in 
the capital), but in those other political studies, the evo and the 
Cyropaedia. His mind was set working more definitely than 
before on the question of government (what is an dpy7?), and 
these are his answers. The /Zzero probably did not find ex- 
pression until the author had witnessed the remarkable scene 

1 See Diog. Laert.. Life of Xen. § 8. évredOev FOev eis Thy “EXAdOa 
peta 'AynoNdov KexAnpev ov els Tov pos OnBatous TOodEMov * Kal aire 
mpozeviay €docav ol Naxedarpdveoe * &vrevev, Edoas Tov ‘Aynathaov AiKev els 
DKirdobvTa... apiKomevov dé Tov Meyapitou Kata mpopacw THS Tay nyvpews, 
KOpLLg dev Os Td Xphuara xwplov emplaro | kal Kabiépwoe TH Oe@ . gyno. 0 6 
Aelvapxos Sri Kal olklay Kab dypdv aire edocay Aaxedarpdvcor. ce Paus. v. 
6, 5. Aakedamdvioe 6€ Uorepov Dkcddoovra amorenouevo. THS ’HXelas 
Revopayre €docay 7@ I'pv\Xov k.T.r. 

2 See Plutarch, de Exilio, p. 6038. mola puyadiuchn vajoos ovK eort 
mhaturépa THs DKiddovytias y@pas, ev Hy Revopay pera Thy orparelay 7d 
Nurapov elde ynpas; 72. p. 605 C. Oovkvdidns cuvéypawe Tov mbdeuov Tv 
Ile\orovynciww Kat 'AOnvaiwy év Opaxy mepl rivy UKawriv Unv * Revoday ev 
DKiddobdvre THs’ Hrelas, 


LIFE OF XENOPHON lix 


described by Lysias in his Olympiac, when the tyrant Dionysius, 
in the person of his brother, sent a magnificent ¢/edry to the 
famous festival, and drew down upon himself the sarcasm of 
the great democratic orator.! The Cyropaedia was not penned 
for many a day yet, and is evidently a composition of a novel 
order, upon which the writer expended much pains, meaning 
it to embody his theory that the secret of dpy# is the dis- 
covery, as the result of parentage and education, of the right 
prince or arvchic man. But with this work, so often referred 
to in the pages of this sketch, we have nothing especially to 
do at present. The Laconian Polity is interesting as contain- 
ing a quasi-historical account of Lycurgus’s institutions, as seen 
or pictured in their more or less ideal working, along with a 
severe criticism on the practical breaking-down of these insti- 
tutions in modern Sparta.? It is to Xenophon that we owe 
the truly fine phrase, ‘‘They magnify themselves on their 
lowliness ”—r@ razrewol efvas peyadivovra, which has the very 
ring of a magnificat. Such was the spirit in which he wished 
his boys to be brought up, so that they might become adepts in 
the art of self-discipline and leadership, +6 dpyew te kal dpxer Oat, 
since that was the gist of the whole matter. The beginning and 
end of Doric or Spartan education, it tallied or complemented 
that other Attic or Ionic principle in which Xenophon himself 
had been excellently trained, that a man should be able to 
speak and to act, Aéyew te kal rpdrrewv SivacGa. As to his 
two sons, they grew up to be good citizens. One of them, the 
elder (Gryllus), died fighting for his country in behalf of his own 
state and his father’s adopted state—Athens and Sparta—at 
the battle of Mantinea.? The younger came out of the battle 


1 This was either in 388 or 384 B.C. See note above, p. liii. 

2 The epilogue of the Cyropaedia (VIII. viii.), if written by Xenophon him- 
self, is exactly analogous with the strictures passed on Spartan institutions in 
those degenerate days which are to be found in chapter xiv. of Lac. Pol. How 
this chapter, which I hold to be genuine, came to be inserted into the text at 
this particular point of the treatise, is a question into which it is not opportune 
to enter at present. It was probably of later date than the bulk of the essay, 
and should appear as a note, or in appendix. Both criticisms read like the 
palinode or “éderavi animam of a writer who finds the world he has tried to 
idealise not after all so very good—the sigh of a dissatisfied demiurge. 

3 Or rather, the cavalry skirmish of the day before. See Hed/, VII. v. 15, 
16, 17. avtrav dé dréOavoy dvdpes ayaGot (he is writing his own son's 
epitaph) cal dméxrewav € dfdov Ott ToLOvTOUS. 


Ix SKETCH OF THE 


unscathed. But this is to anticipate the evil day, which was 
also the day of glory and renown, by many years. Before 
they left Sparta the boys were probably of an age to play 
football and to go hunting excursions with the other young 
Spartans ;+ and we may guess, from their appellation, these 
great twin brethren were quite at home, and favourites. 
Their father is silent of course concerning his own domestic 
life and literary occupations.? Of the latter I have already 
spoken. The former we are left to gather from the many 
passages in which he lovingly depicts the joys and sorrows, 
the sunshine and April showers, of boyhood,*? and the 
sophrosyne (cwdpocvvn) of womanhood. He might well have 
written a special treatise on boyhood—a prose poem, in that 
sweet style of his own, anticipative of 2’art a’étre grand-pore. 
He did write, as is well known, a treatise which might have 
been entitled On Wifehood—the Lconomist, which Alberti * 
(or some other of those times) used to depict the life of a 
good citizen, founded on masserizia, piety, and good sense. 
Perhaps we need not go farther to assure ourselves of Xeno- 
phon’s own private happiness than to this idyll of married life, 
the delicate domesticity ® of which is truly touching. This 
was a peace which no exile could rob him of, and which was 


1 See Miiller’s Dorians, vol. ii. p. 309. ‘‘ During the progress from the 
condition of an ephebus to manhood, the young Spartans were called Sphaerezs, 
probably because their chief exercise was football, which game was carried on 
with great emulation, and indeed resembled a battle rather than a diversion. 
In their nineteenth year they were sent out on the cryffeza,”’ etc. The two 
boys would be brought up as rpddujor. 

2 Tf not finished some years ago, the first part of the Hedlenica (Bks. I, and 
II. to speak roughly—see Xen. Works, I. p. lviii., Note C) perhaps belongs 
to this date, and was finished in Sparta. 

3 Cyrop. passim. For l'art d’étre grand-pere, see Cyrop. I. iv., Astyages 
and his little grandson. One cannot help thinking of Xenophon and his two 
sons, whilst reading the passages on brotherly affection in the AZemoradziia, 11. 
iii. t foll., and Cyvop. VIII. vii. 13 foll. As to the sophrosyne of woman, see 
Cyrop. passim. Heywood has put two of these—Panthea, the wife of Abra- 
datas, and Tigranes’s wife—into his Tuvacketov (pp. 126, 245 of the edition of 
1624). There are many others, historical or purely imaginary, sketched in a 
manner worthy of Euripides or of the painter Zeuxis himself. 

4 Alberti wrote also in exile. See for the influence of Xenophon's 
Oceconomicus on Italian writers, Mr. Symonds, /fazzan Lit, Part I. p. 
196 note, 

5 Cf. Cyrop. VII. v. 56 for the secret of Xenophon’s happiness—‘‘ Home, 
sweet Home’’—and the keystone of his philosophy. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON lxi 


independent of locality. He could find it alike in Europe 
and in Asia: Sparta, Scillus, Corinth in turn fostered it. It 
was, as far as any earthly joy may be, perdurable. 

If indeed anything of a more external character were 
needed to enhance it, that additional element was to be found 
in the quietude of Scillus.1 The lovely scenery of the place 
itself, to this day lovely ; the delicious atmosphere ; the rare 
combination of mountain, wood, and stream; the opportunity 
for sport; the horses and the dogs ;? the farmstead and its 
daily round of occupations ; the household and its inmates, 
with their varied interests; the neighbouring townships and 
local politics ; the proximity to Olympia ; the recurring season 
of festival ; the stream of visitors ; the pleasures of hospitable 
entertainment; the daily family sacrifices at the hearth or 
before the cedar image of the great goddess Artemis in her 
model temple—these things, and, above all, the serene satis- 
faction of literary labour, combined to form an enviable sum 
total of sober happiness during many years. 


MIDDLE AGE, 387 (or 389)-371 B.C. cévca,; AT SciLLus; INTEL- 
LECTUAL FLORUIT, GREAT LITERARY PERIOD. 


It is not certain at what date the family migrated to 
Scillus, nor at what precise date was disestablished ; but 


1 See map; also Baedeker’s Greece, p. 315, and Xenophon’s own descrip- 
tion, p. 140 of this volume. It is appropriate here to quote the words of 
Themistius ‘‘ the eloquent”’ [flor. 355 A.D.] That writer, like Cicero and the 
ancients in general, fully believed in the genuineness of the Agesz/aus (as to 
which I will state my views in a later volume). He says (Or. 2, p. 27 D) 
’Aynolraov 5é ofda Tov Bacthéa ris Dardprys bre Revopay ove wkver émaiety 
Kal dpelBecbar paxp@ By8tm (or does the orator refer to Hellenica B, 
rather than the éyxamuoy itself?) éredy air@ véuerOar Sierpdiato xwplov ru 
perakd”Hcdos cal’ Apkadias, od méppw BKi\dodvTos ev TH puyn.—Od pi ovde 7 
xdpis omola dypov epydferOar mpotka 'Apkadckdy, 7) émalvou TuxXEly aynpw TE 
kal d@avdrov~ taxa 6’ dy kal adros 6 'Apxiddmou Tipuwrepoy Evvédy civae Tis 
ato) Swpeds 7d xapioryploy Tod Revopayros* 7d péev yap AOyos fv vd 
pirocbpou yeypapuevos, 7 dé, el Tu de? mpocéxew TH eihynpdri, mupol Kal KpLOal 
Kal TpwkTa wpata kal dopKddas Kal ots dudkewy Te Kal aKovrige. 

2 For the horses and dogs, see Xenophon's two tracts, that on Hunting 
(Cynegeticus), perhaps a youthful work ; and that on Horsemanship, a work of 
his old age. Pollux the grammarian (v. 47) says he had a dog named Hippo- 
centaur—cf. Cyrop. IV. iii. 17; Aelian V. 7. 9, 39. For the farming occupa- 
tions, see the Economist. See Xen. Works, III. part i. and part il. 


Ix SKETCH OF THE 


there, amid those loveliest surroundings of nature, and within 
easy reach of the sacred city, they lived, we must assume, for 
fifteen or probably twenty years. There the boys grew up to 
manhood, properly trained for war by yearly hunting expedi- 
tions. There let us believe that Philesia, being still alive, 
played a part like that of the wife of Ischomachus,! finding 
happiness in manifold co-operation with her husband; the 
wife, the mother, the kindly mistress of the house, befriending 
her servants, and beloved of all.2 There, at all events, the 
father, whose character was fully formed, spent his time 
between healthy bodily and mental exercises, “in hunting,” as 
his biographer has told us,® ‘‘and entertaining his friends, and 
writing his histories.” Here certainly he attained his literary 
prime.* 

A large number of his writings (at least as finished com- 
positions) probably date from this period. Others were in 
process of composition, and had reached various stages of 
completion, before Xenophon was forced to change his resi- 
dence. Both sets may appropriately be named in order here. 
They are the specially Socratic writings, including the JZemor- 
abtlia, the Economist, and the Symposium, which are all closely 
connected—the Lconomzst being, as I have elsewhere suggested 
(Xen. Works, vol. i. p. liv.), an expanded chapter of the AZemor- 
abtlia but, as a finished composition, perhaps the earliest of the 
three. With these, as a product of the Scilluntine leisure, we 
must include the A/zero, the nature and occasion of which 
admirable dialogue have already been noticed. It is worth 
noting perhaps, as a point of biographic interest, that the 
proximity to Olympia enabled Xenophon to keep in some sort 
of touch with the world of letters. He may well have 
listened to the very speech of Lysias above referred to, and, 
at a later date, to the Panegyric of Isocrates. These oppor- 


1 «She is to be like the queen bee in her hive,” 7 év 7@ cunhver hryeucv 


MédTTa@ (poetry anticipating science in this pretty illustration), Oecon. vii. 17. 

2 7b. vii. 37; cf. Eurip. Alc, 192 foll.; Browning, Balaustion's Adventure, 
p, 38. 

5 rowvretbev dreréher Kuvyryer@v Kal rods pldous écriwy Kal Tas ioroplas 
avyypagpuy, Diog. Laert. Life of Xenophon, § 9. 

4 He must, if born about 431 B.C., have been between forty and fifty when 
he came, and about sixty when he left. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON lxiil 


tunities were not likely to be wasted. The last writing, which 
almost certainly belongs in the same sense to this period, is 
the Polity of the Lacedaemonians (see Xen. Works, 11.). 

This list of finished, and possibly published, works does not, 
as already stated, exhaust the literary labours of the period. 
During the sixteen or eighteen years in question (from 389 or 
387 B.C. to 371 B.C.) the author, it would seem, had two or 
three of his larger works still on hand, though at various 
stages of completion. Thus the Axadasis, if for the greater 
part written, was not published in its final form till after 
371 B.c., or even later. The second part of the Hedlenica,? 
containing a record of Hellenic affairs from the year 403 B.C. 
to 387 B.C., was in the same way probably ripe for publica- 
tion before Xenophon left Scillus ; while whatever his method 
of composition may have been, the author was certainly em- 
ployed in collecting notes for the final portion of the same 
historical work? during the whole of his residence in Scillus. 
Besides which we may suppose that he was always in some 
sense working at and meditating scenes and chapters for his 
historico-philosophical romance, the Cyvopaedia. Possibly he 
had made some advance with the composition as a whole. 
The publication (or completion), however, of these four larger, 
and of his remaining minor works‘ can be clearly referred 
to a later period, when his happy residence at Scillus was a 
bygone. 

If we are right in our conclusions, that residence was dis- 
continued in the year so disastrous to the arms of Sparta on the 
field of Leuctra (B.c. 371), and for reasons closely connected 
with that historical event. 


1 As proved by internal evidence deducible from Anad. V. iii. p. 140 
foll. See Xen. Works, I. Note B. p. Ixvi. 

2 Hellenica B=PBk. III. i. 1 (or perhaps more strictly, II. ili. rr) to V. 
eee 
% Hellenica C=Bk. V. ii. to the end of Bk. VII. (387 B.c.-362 B.C.) 
The process of collecting notes for this work at Scillus, broken off in 371 B.c., 
was resumed at Corinth, and occupied the author till the end. The book was 
still on hand in 359 B.C. See Xen. Works, I. pp. lvii., Ixii., Ixiii. 

4 The Cynegeticus was possibly already published ; the Lac. Pod. probably 
at Scillus. The remaining minor works are the Azpparchikos, and the tract 
on Horsemanship, the Agesilaus, and the pamphlet on Revenues. I do not 
count the Agology, which some hold to be spurious. See Xen. Works, I1., III. 


Ixiv SKETCH OF THE 


Into the minutiae of this question I need not here enter, 
but will reserve its discussion for a footnote. I agree with 
most modern critics in accepting 371 B.c.! as most probably 


1 This is Roquette’s view (de Xen. Vit. i. § 6, p. 26 foll.), with which 
Grote (H. G. ix. 245, 246) evidently agrees (though in his Plato, iil. 567, 
he seems to have altered his view). I cannot do better than quote his words. 
‘«The interesting description which he himself (Xenophon) gives of his resi- 
dence at Skillus implies a state of things not present and continuing, but past 
and finished. Other testimonies, too, though confused and contradictory, 
seem to show that the Laconian settlement at Skillus lasted no longer than the 
power of Lacedaemon was adequate to maintain it. During the misfortunes 
which befell that city after the battle of Leuctra (¢.e. 371 B.c.), Xenophon, 
with his family and his fellow-settlers, was expelled by the Eleians, and is then 
said to have found shelter at Corinth.” This date is at any rate much nearer 
the mark than 363-362 B.C., which, unless it is a mere slip of the pen, would 
seem to be Grote’s later view, as expressed in his Life of Xenophon, above 
referred to. ‘‘Skillus,’’ he there says, ‘‘ the place in which the Lacedaemonians 
had established Xenophon, was retaken by the Eleians during the humiliation 
of Lacedaemonian power, not long before the battle of Mantineia’”’ (z.e. 362 
B.C.) Nor again do I follow Curtius (vol. v. Eng. tr. p. 149; bk. vii. ch. ii.) 
when he says, ‘‘ The war between Arcadia and Elis” (referring to the war of 
365 B.C. apparently) ‘‘ once more deprived him of a home; he emigrated to 
Elis, but about the same time,”’ etc. 

The fullest argument for the date 371 B.C. is given in Roquette’s disserta- 
tion, de Xenophontis Vita, Fle assigns two main reasons for that particular 
date :— 

(1) The Eleians, at the congress, held in the autumn of that year at Athens 
just after the battle of Leuctra, to which the Athenians invited all who wished 
to hold to the Peace of Antalcidas, claim that certain cities of the Triphylia 
(Marganes and the rest, of which they had been robbed in 400 B.C.) should 
not be regarded as independent (/7e//. VI. v. 2, in reference to //ed/. ILI. ii. 
20), which claim (according to Roquette) implies that they were then recovered. 

(2) This recovery could only have taken place when the Laconians were 
somehow crippled, as they were at the instant of the defeat at Leuctra. 

Roquette finds confirmation of his view in the following facts. (1) The 
hostility of Elis to Sparta is a fazt accomplé in the winter of 370-369 B.C.—2.e. 
they are allies of the Thebans on the first Theban invasion of Peloponnese 
(Hell. VI. v. 30 ; Grote, H. G. x. 294). (2) In 368 B.c. the Eleians maintained 
that these cities had deserted to the Arcadians (//e//. VII. i. 26), which implies 
that between 400 B.C. and 368 B.c, they had for a season recovered them. 
(3) Diog. Laertius’s (z.e. Dinarchus’s) phrase, Bpaduvdvrwy Aaxedarmovlur, 
implying some slackness on the part of Lacedaemon, would be inapplicable 
after 370 B.C., when Megalopolis was built, and still more so in 369 B.Cc., when 
Messenia also was freed; since, however rapid had been their movements at the 
latter date, the Lacedaemonians could hardly have relieved the towns in question, 
being themselves cut off from both the northern roads to the Triphylia. 

With this reasoning in the main I agree. I do not think, however, that 
it follows from the claims put forward by the Eleians at the Athens congress of 
371 B.C. that they had necessarily at that time recovered the townships, since 
the claim was clearly irrespective of any wtz fossidetis, or their then condi- 


LIFE OF XENOPHON Ixv 


the date of the occurrence, the history of which I will now 
state in the words of the most ancient authorities. This is 
what Dinarchus the orator tells us in the pages of Xenophon’s 
biographer, Diogenes Laertius. ‘The Eleians marched 
against Scillus, and through the tardiness of the Laconians (in 
relieving it) took the place; at which time his sons made 
their escape by stealth, with a few of the domestics, to 
Lepreum (a township farther south in the Triphylia); and 
Xenophon himself, first to Elis (?),1 and then to Lepreum, 
where he joined his sons; and from Lepreum eventually 
escaped along with them to Corinth, and there settled.” 2 
Xenophon is silent in his history of the times about this, 
as also about much else of larger historical importance. 
Whether or not he betook himself to Elis? (city or district), or 
for what reason, now or at any subsequent moment, is beyond 


tion, It was anterior. Perhaps they had already recovered them : perhaps 
they only succeeded in their object later. By 368 B.C. apparently they had 
again lost them. 

1 eis thy "HXwv mpbtepov. This is puzzling. Why should he at such a crisis 
betake himself to Elis? One would like to substitute "YAyv, if only one could 
find authority for such a name or district. ‘‘ Forest,’ or ‘‘ woodlands ’’; but 
see below. 

2 Diog. Laert. § 9 of Life. 

5 According to Pausanias, v. 6, 6. 

The Eleian exegetae told the traveller, when he visited the spot five centuries 
afterwards, that Xenophon had been condemned in the judicial council of 
Olympia, as being a wrongful occupant of the property at Scillus obtained 
through Laconian violence; but that the Eleians had granted him indulgence 
and allowed him to remain. He adds that a short distance from the temple 
a monument was pointed out, with a statue in Pentelic marble on the tomb, which 
the inhabitants believed to be of Xenophon. His words are: of dé ’HXelwy 
cEnynrat Koploac bat Tre avis DKiddovvta ’HXelovs Eheyor, Kal FEvopavra, 
é7t &\aBe Tape Aaxedatpovley Ti yi, KpcOjv at pev év rH 'OdNupmixy 
Bourn, TuxovTa dé mapa 'Helwy  ouy yy apns adews év DKiddotvre olkjoa. Kat 
6n Kal oNi-yov dimer epe TOU lepod puna te edelkvuto Kal THs Tevredjoly éorTe 
AcGoroptas elkay ert TO TApw’ elvar 6é ado Zevopbyros héyourw ol mpocotk- 
odvres. But probably Grote is right in his criticism of this story: ‘‘ As it 
seems clearly asserted that Xenophon died at Corinth, he can hardly have 
availed himself of the indulgence ; and I incline to suspect that the statement 
is an invention of subsequent Eleian Exegetae, after they had learnt to 
appreciate his literary eminence’ (Grote, Péado, iii. p. 568). Or is it 
possible that there is some truth in the story—that the case was heard and 
sentence passed, followed by a special indulgence, for whatever reason, 
granted to the pious intruding foreigner: which indulgence he for many 
reasons may not have cared to avail himself of? The story in any case is 


interesting as a tradition. 


lxvl SKETCH OF THE 


our discovery. ‘To Corinth clearly he eventually came, and 
there he once more established himself. 

Corinth then we assume to be the scene of Xenophon’s 
last years. At Corinth we must suppose he finished his 
literary labours. At Corinth, according to the statement of 
another ancient authority, ‘“‘he finished his course.” But 
there were many years to run yet before the last lap of the 
race was reached. 


AT CORINTH, 371-354 B.C. cévca; RECALL, AND SERVICE OF HIS SONS IN 
THE ATHENIAN CAVALRY, 369 B.C. ; DEATH OF GRYLLUS, 362 B.C. ; 
LITERARY LABOURS, 359 B.C. and onwards; OLD AGE AND FINAL 
WORK, 355 B.C. ; DEATH, 354 B.C. czvca. 


THE years which remain appear to have flowed in general 
with an even tenor. ‘They are the years of ingathering. One 
is aware of certain autumnal tints, and an occasional flutter as 
of sere leaves falling, but they were rich with the fruitage of 
ripe thought and literary labour. It is of that we think rather 
than of the two or three external incidents which fall within 
the period. These latter, however momentous as personal 
experiences, are devoid of complexity, and may be briefly 
chronicled. The most important of them are the recall of 
Xenophon from banishment, the mission of his sons to Athens, 
and the death of Gryllus. 

If we are right in our dates and suppositions, Xenophon 
was past sixty when he found a new home for himself and his 
family at Corinth. His wife was, we hope, still living ; no one 
knows. His sons would be young men of about eight or nine 
and twenty. They had perhaps already seen service,! oppor- 

1 See the passage, Hed/. V. iii. 9, in which the historian describes the cam- 
paign undertaken after the defeat and death of Teleutias before Olynthus in 
381-380 B.c. The authorities despatched the king, and with him, as in the 
case of Agesilaus’ Asiatic campaign (see above, p. xlvii.), thirty Spartans 
TpidKovTa LrapriarGv* moNdol dé a’r@ kal Tov sepolkwy €OedovTal Kadol 
Kayabol jKoNovOouv Kal Eévoe TOV Tpopimuy Kadoumévawy kal vd0o Tov 
Zmrapriarayv wara everdets Te kal Tay ev TH WrEL KAAGY OVK &TELpOL. 
Grote (#7. G. x. 91) conjectures that Xenophon’s two sons, being educated at 
Sparta, would come under the category of rpddiuor, and if either were old 
enough, he might probably have been among the volunteers to accompany 


Agesipolis. At this date Gryllus may have been about eighteen, and of an 
age to serve. For the noble carriage of these young men and their high 


LIFE OF XENOPHON Ixvii 


tunities for which were not lacking during the last ten’ or 
twelve years of their sojourn in the Triphylia. Possibly they 
were to be found among the “ foster-sons” of Lacedaemon, who 
followed the Spartan king Agesipolis against Olynthus in 380 
B.C. “Handsome fellows, and well versed in the lore of 
Spartan chivalry,” we can well believe, they were. 

In 369 B.c. a rarer chance presented itself to the young 
.men of doing service in behalf not only of Sparta but of their 
truer fatherland, and in the state cavalry of Athens. The 
sentence of banishment under which their father lay was 
rescinded, we may suppose,! about the same date, and possibly 
the two incidents are connected as cause and effect. The 
biographer Diogenes Laertius merely tells us? that “mean- 


spirit, see the description of the cavalry skirmish in which Gryllus fell before 
Mantinea, already quoted above; fed//. VII. v. 17, and below. We may be 
certain that they knew all about cavalry manceuvres and horsemanship from 
their father, whose happiness it was to have sons who shared his tastes and 
perhaps his most cherished beliefs. 

1 We have reason to believe, on independent grounds, that Xenophon was 
reconciled to his country within five years of the battle of Leuctra. The 
decree rescinding his exile may therefore have been passed already in 369 B.c., 
or it may have been a subsequent matter. But whether his sons served their 
country while their father was still an exile, or only after the sentence of recall 
was passed, is a minor matter. As a sign and seal of reconciliation, we find 
the sons serving in the state cavalry from 369 B.C. to 362 B.C., and the 
father addressing his political pamphlet, the Azpparchikos, to one of the hip- 
parchs of the year, apparently 365 B.C. See Xen. Works, III. part ii. Introd. 

2 On the authority of Dinarchus apparently, or of the orator as quoted 
in Diocles, ap. Diog. Laert., of. czt. § 10. The statement of the historian 
Ister, ap. Diog. Laert., of. cet. § 15, kal "Iorpos pnol avroy puyel KaTa 
Whdiowa EvBovdov kal karehOey kara Wipioua Tod avrod, may or may not be 
correct as regards the identity of Eubulus (see above), but is good external 
evidence to the fact of Xenophon’'s recall. The internal evidence of the Azp- 
parchikos—evidently written by a man of mature age, and addressed to the 
hipparch of the year during an interval of peace (Hipparch. i, 19; iv. 6), 
when there was a prospect of a war with the Boeotians (zd. vii. 3)—points (as 
Roquette shows, of. c7t. ii. 24, pp. 95, 96) to the year 365 B.C. as the date of 
publication, and is conclusive as to the completeness of the author's reconcilia- 
tion with his country. As to Eubulus, it is quite possible that the well-known 
statesman Eubulus of Anaphlystus may have proposed the decree of recall, 
Xenophon was not indeed precisely of his colour of politics, since Eubulus was 
at this date, I suppose, an adherent of Aristophon, and had never favoured 
Sparta as Callistratus and his friends did. When we come to 355 B.C., how- 
ever, Eubulus’s views, as the head of the peace party, may possibly have 
seemed statesmanlike to Xenophon. I regard the IIépo. as the speech or 
political essay of an old man, written perhaps to order, or to serve a friend, and in 
behalf of commercial interests, but none the less sincerely, Cf. Isocr, de Pace. 


Ixvill SKETCH OF THE 


while the Athenians having passed a decree to aid the Lace- 
daemonians, Xenophon sent his sons to Athens to serve in 
behalf of the Lacedaemonians,” adding, in a later passage, 
that according to the historian Ister, the decrees of Xenophon’s 
banishment and recall were due to the same person, whose 
name was Eubulus. What is of greater importance to us 
regarding the matter biographically, is that after so many years 
of change and counterchange in the domestic and foreign 
politics of the city, and of her political parties, the moment 
had at last come in which Xenophon, in the persons of his 
sons, and by the labour of his pen, might find himself once 
more functioning like a true-born Athenian, powerful at once 
in speech and action (Aéyeu Te Kal Tparrew Svvaréraros). 

Such a happy conjunction of the stars was reached in 
369 B.c.; happy it was, at any rate, for Xenophon, as he 
scanned the political horizon, and waited for a sign in Corinth. 
We can easily follow the sequence of events, as we turn over 
the pages of his own history: the cold shudder which ran 
through the Athenian senate, seated in the Acropolis, at 
receipt of the news of Leuctra? (B.c. 371); the reawakening 
ambition of the leaders of the Democracy to strike out a more 
independent policy; the thought of hegemony ; the retreat of 
the Spartan reinforcements ; the intercession of Jason ;? the 
summons to a congress at Athens of all who cared to hold 
to the Peace of Antalcidas; the dissentient Eleians con- 
testing the autonomy of such townships as Marganes and 
Scillus and the Triphylia;* the rebuilding of the walls of 
Mantinea, and the recovery of her civic life in spite of 
Agesilaus ; the pan-Arcadian movement, and the split of parties 
at Tegea; the rival programmes of her démos and her opti- 
mates ; the party of Callibius driving out the party of Stasippus ; 
the intervention on the one side and the other of Mantinea and 
Sparta; the cohesions and disruptions of the Arcadian League ; 
the elective affinities of the different states of Peloponnese ; 

1 Hell. Vi. iv. 20, r&v 5¢ ’AOnvalwy 7 Bovdh ériyxavey ev axpordbde 
KaOnwevn, K.T A. 

2 Jb. ib, 20-24. Note Jason’s Xenophontine argument, kal 6 Oeds dé, ws 
ouxe, ToAAdius xXalper Tods mev LKpods meydous Toy, Tods dé peyddous 
puxpovs, and see below, Azad. III. il. to, p. 76. 

® [b. v. 1-3, for the congress at Athens, and the dissent of the Eleians. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON Ixix 


the fierce party politics; Arcadian Orchomenus refusing to 
join the League in hatred of Mantinea; the Argives biding 
their time; the abortive attempt to try conclusions with Man- 
inea on the part of Agesilaus during the mid-winter of 370 
B.c.;+ the fateful spring of 369; the Thebans joining the 
Arcadians, and with them a cloud of northern powers—the 
Phocians and the Eubaeans, the Locrians and the Acarnanians, 
the Heracleotes and the Malians, with horse and light infantry 
from Thessaly,—their objective Laconia; the burning of 
Sellasia; the enemy encamped near the unwalled city of 
Sparta itself; the women of Sparta and the sons of Sparta at 
bay ; the hideous nightmare dissolving as the Theban army 
passed on to Amyclae and across the Eurotas away to Helos 
and Gytheum; the Spartans offering and dreading to arm 
their helots; a new horror; the four faithful allies—the men 
of Phlius, the men of Corinth, the men of Epidaurus and 
Pellene ;2. the restoration meanwhile of Messene,? the 
autonomy of which ancient state, now suddenly revived, will 
become the keystone of the pan-Boeotian policy of the great 
Theban statesmen ere long; and so we are brought to the 
moment when, as we picture to ourselves, there was a break 
in the storm-clouds overhead, through which a ray of joyous 
- sunlight shed itself on the veteran historian, seated in his 
study at Corinth, and waiting for a sign. 

It is no part of my intention at present to attempt to esti- 
mate the political position of Xenophon either as a citizen or 
as a historian of the time. To do so would lead us too far 
afield, and involve us in the discussion of deeper matters con- 
cerning the literary and philosophical standpoint of our author, 
which may fitly be postponed for future consideration.* 


1 Fell, VI. vy. 3-21, for the incidents in Peloponnese till the winter of 
370 B.C: 

2 7b. ib, 22-32, for the incidents of the first Theban invasion in 369 B.c. 

® Xenophon omits to mention the founding of pan-Arcadian Megalopolis 
and the restoration of Messene at the moment, but refers to both later on. 
Hale Nile 5 wand Vile 27,30, 

4 [ hope in a final volume to offer a few remarks on Xenophon’s literary 
quality and position in the evolution of thought and feeling—in a word, his 
spiritual quality. But such observations clearly should stand as the epilogue 
rather than as the prologue to the piece. In his edlenica we are at once 
brought face to face with the problem of Xenophon’s position as one 


Ixx SKETCH OF THE 


If, however, we wish to discover certain political leanings 
of Xenophon at this particular period of his life, we cannot do 
better than study the sentiments which he puts into the mouth 
of the Athenian orator Callistratus (the head of the anti- 
Theban or “ Laconising” party at Athens between the years 
378 B.c. and 361 B.c.) when sent with Callias and Autocles to 
Sparta before the battle of Leuctra in 371 B.c.;+ or again, of 
the Phliasian envoy Procles in his address to the Athenian 
ecclesia in 370 B.c.2_ It was that speaker’s eloquence which 
carried away the feelings of the Assembly, so that the arguments 
of the opposition fell on deaf ears, and the resolution was passed 
to aid Sparta with a levy ez masse ; and for this object Iphicrates 
was chosen general, 369 B.c. If it was a satisfaction to Xeno- 
phon to send his sons back to Athens at such a crisis, the 
conduct of the campaign was not altogether to his taste as a 
military critic. The blunder of Iphicrates—since, in spite of 
his great ability as a general, he seems to have committed 
a blunder in the handling of his cavalry—made a deep im- 
pression on Xenophon, and served him for illustration in his 


of the Attic historians. As to which I commend to the notice of my readers 
Mr. Freeman's essay, ‘‘ The Historians of Athens,” A/7zstorical Essays, 2nd 
series. For my own views, see Xen. Works, Il. Introduction, p. xvii. foll. 

1 For 371 B.c., see Hell, VI. iii. 10-17. Callistratus’s is the third speech, 
and is skilfully juxtaposed so as to form a climax to the bracing home-truths of 
Autocles and the professional platitudes of the Dadouchos Callias. Callis- 
tratus admits that Athens and Sparta have both made grave blunders as 
imperial and rival states. But sweet are the uses of adversity. One need not 
continue rivalry to the bitter end. It is possible to take the pitcher once too 
often to the well, a\\a py odd Exelvous eywye émawG oltwes dywvicral 
yevouevor Kal vevixnkdres On ToddaKts Kal ddEav ExovTes otTws didoverkodow, 
wore ov mpbTepov mavoovrar mplv dy nrrnbévres Thy doxnow KaTav¥aowow, ovdé 
ye TGV KuBeuTa@y olrives ad edw ev Te Emitrixwor TeEpl ditraclwy KUYBEevoutw. opo 
yap Kat Tay TovovTwy Tos melous airdbpous TayTdmace yuyvouévous. The 
athlete may descend once too often into the arena. The gambler may go on 
doubling the stakes till he finds himself penniless, & ypy kal Huds dp@vras els 
wey ToLovToy dyGva undémore KaTacTHVaL, GoT i) ravra haBelv } wav’ amoBadelv, 
éws dé Kal éppwueba kal edrvxotpuev pious adAydows yevéoOar. Let us pause 
in time and shake hands, before our stock of strength is spent, and our luck 
exhausted. So shall we through you, and you through us, attain to an un- 
precedented height of power throughout Hellas, otrw yap quets 7 dv Ov’ buds 
Kal buels Ov quads ere pelfous 7) Tov mapeNObyra xpovoy év 77 EAS. dvactpe- 
polueba. 

2 For 370 B.C., see Hell. VI. v. 38-48, éml dé rovrw (Cleiteles of 
Corinth) dvéorn Upoxdys Pdudovos Kal elmer. “O Te wev, © dvdpes’ AOnvaior, 
K. TA. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON Ixxi 


pamphlet on the cavalry general’s duty so often referred to. 
This is how he speaks of it. 

The professed object of Iphicrates was to cut off the retreat 
of Epaminondas and the Thebans returning homewards in 
the winter of 369 B.c. This, intentionally or not, he failed 
to do. The historian was well posted in Corinth to watch the 
tactics of both parties. As the enemy withdrew from Lace- 
daemon Iphicrates fell back with his Athenians on Corinth. 
(He lays his finger sharply on the Athenian general’s next 
move.) Whilst watching on Oneion to intercept the enemy’s 
retreat, he allowed him free exit by the magnificent side 
route of Cenchreae; and then in his desire to discover 
whether the Thebans had passed Oneion, he must needs send 
the whole of his Athenian and Corinthian cavalry in force on 
scouting duty, when a handful of troopers would have served 
the purpose of a reconnaissance quite as well as the larger 
body. In case of need they would have had a far better 
chance of hitting upon a suitable road and falling back 
leisurely. It was the height of folly to advance a force at once 
so large and yet inferior to the enemy. It was inevitable, 
owing to the extent of ground they covered, that they should 
be involved in all sorts of difficulties, and the result was the 
needless sacrifice of twenty troopers. The Thebans meanwhile 
were past and gone, and no one said them nay. With this 
criticism should be compared an admonitory note addressed 
to the cavalry general? some four years later. Probably both 

1 See Hell. VI. y. 51, 52, ef wey oby &dXo TL KaADs EoTpaTHynoev, ob Wéeyu- 
éxeiva wévro., & ev TY Xpbvy exelv Erpake, mavTa evploKw TH [ev Mdrny, TH 6e 
kal dovppdbpws mempayyeva aire: éemixerphoas uev yap pudarrey émi 7 Ovelw, 
x.T.. For English rendering see Xen. Works, 1]. p. 185 ; III. part ii. p. 28 foll. 

2 Hipparch. viii. 10 foll. @re 6¢ BovAopat Vrouvjca Kal rddepudrdrrecOau: 
eiol yap Twes, of bray pév iwow eml Tovrous, dy av olwyrar Kpeirrous elvat, 
mavraracw aobever Svvdmer €pxovrat, wate modAdKts Erabor & WdvTo money * 
brav 8 ért rovrous Gy dy capes éeriatwvTas Hrrovs dvTes, Tacav bony dv Exwor 
Stvapw dyovtw. éya dé Onur Xpjva TavavTla TovTwy Toely, bray Mev KpaTHoEW 
olduevos dyn, pn peldecOa THs Suvdpews, Sanv av Exy* TO yap moNd WKay ovdevi 
mimore perapereray mapéoxev. Grav dé Tots mov KpelrToow emcxerpy Kal 
mpoyryvdokn, bre morjoavta dre dy Skvynrar pevktéov eariv, els Ta Toalrd 
pniue Tord Kpelrrov etvat dALyous 4 wdvTas mpocdyewv, TOvs MEvTOL GmELNeyMEVOUS 
kal Urmous kal dvdpas Tovs Kpatiorous* Tovodro: yap dvTes Kal morhoa dv Tt kat 
imoxwphoa dopadréorepoy ay dvvawwro. bray dé mpos Tovs Kpelrrous mavras 
mposayayiw dmoxwpely Boihyrat, avdyKn Tos wey emt TOY Bpadurdrow trey 
adoxerOat, Tos d¢ kat Ov ddirmetay miarew, Tos Ge Kal Oud dvoxwplas 


Ixxil SKETCH OF THE 


passages were penned about the same time, and serve amongst 
many others to show the undiminished interest which the old 
cavalry officer continued to feel in his favourite branch of the 
service.? 

That the sons of Xenophon were present on the above 
occasion is, of course, not absolutely certain; but, if the 
biographer is to be relied upon, they probably were. They 
may also have shared in one or more of those exploits which 
their father recounts in his list of the valorous deeds of the 
men of Phlius—as, for instance, when their knights and a 
picked body of hoplites, aided by a squadron of Athenian 
cavalry, repelled an attack of the Arcadians and Argives “at 
the passage of the river” (é7l ty SiaBdoe tod rotapod) ap- 
parently in 368 or 367 B.c.,? or again under the Athenian 
general Chares. The admiration of the historian for this little 
state, the neighbour and ally of Corinth, is highly characteristic, 
and the manner in which he introduces the story of her 
prowess as an episode worthy of record is remarkable. His- 
torians,®? he tells us, are ever prone to expatiate upon the 
great deeds of the great powers, whereas it seems to hima 
higher duty to bring to light a long list of valorous achieve- 
ments wrought by some single petty state. There were features 
physical and historical peculiar to this particular little state of 
Phlius which tended to rivet his attention to it—its proximity 
to Corinth, its steadfast loyalty to the Laconian alliance at 


amohauBdverOar* Kal yap mov romov xaderov ebpety otov dv tis ebEacro, 
x.7T.X. For other criticisms of Iphicrates of a more laudatory character, see 
Hell. IN. Vill. 36\foll >) Vilemin G20. 30: 

1 See especially Hzpparch. ix. for various reforms which he proposes to 
introduce into the state cavalry as to the admixture of a foreign element— 
e.g. eight hundred citizens and two hundred foreigners at Athens—and his 
illustration from Laconian reforms (since Leuctra, when their cavalry was 
wretched, He//. VI. iv. 11); also as to the introduction of duro, light in- 
fantry, among the cavalry, Hzpparch. v. 13; and an improvement in the arm. 
He would like to introduce ra kpavéiva do madrd, after the fashion of the 
Persians, instead of the long dépu kaudxwov; Horsemanship, xii. 12; cf. Cyrop. 
VIL. i. 2, and Hed?, III. iv. 14, a personal experience. See above, p. xlvi. 

2 See Hel/, VII. ii. 10, and zd. 20, in connection with the Athenian general 
Chares. 

% 1b. ib. 1, Buws 5é Stexaprépowy é&v 7H crvppaxla . addAdA yap TY bey 
peydhov mobrew ei Te kaddv Erpatav, dmrayrTes ot cvyypadels ueuvynvra’ éuol 
dé doxet kal ef Tis puukpad més ottoa moda Kal Kara epya Siamémrpaxrat, ert 
waGdrov d&vov Elva amopalvew, 


LIFE OF XENOPHON Ixxili 


the present crisis, the chivalry of its citizens, their bravery, 
generosity, and religiousness. But even so, there is a warmth 
of tone in the chronicle of their doughty deeds which seems 
to point to some close personal relationship. There is no 
proof of this; yet, as we recollect, the old family soothsayer, 
Eucleides,! came from Phlius. 

In the year 366 B.c. incidents occurred? which make it 
intelligible to us why Xenophon, even if free to return to 
take up his abode permanently in Athens or the neighbour- 
hood of Athens, may well have chosen to continue his resi- 
dence in Corinth. The fact is that from this date onwards, 
and for many years, Corinth was much the quietest place for a 
student and non-combatant to live in; and at this period of 
life, if ever, Xenophon had his hands full of literary work 
of all sorts. His practical energies were satisfied, as already 
suggested, by the composition in behalf of his native city 
of those political tracts which I have used so freely for the 
purpose of biographic illustration. I believe that he never 
migrated from his home in Corinth, and for the reason 
suggested; but it is more than likely that he was often in 
Athens, the glitter of whose temples was visible from the lofty 
Acropolis of Corinth, and whose streets and squares were dear 
to him.? Perhaps he was there for weeks at a time, or months, 
or even years, but “‘ stranger-loving Corinth,” as the biographer’s 
epigram has it, had received him in the day of need, and to 
her fostering arms he clung. Here a student of history and 
politics might gaze at the shifting scenes of the complicated 
drama now enacting without being called upon to play a part 
himself. The various vicissitudes of states and parties would 
proceed, but the philosopher would not himself be caught into 
the vortex of political life. Governments would rise and fall ; 
the great man might become, like Jason,* greater and most 


1 See above, pp. iv., xxvii., and below, p. 247. 

2 See Hell. VII. iv. 6-11, and note 2, next page; and cf. for the situation 
of the moment Isocr. Archidamos,; Jebb. Azt. O7. il. 193. 

3 See Revenues, i. 4, for the architectural beauty of the city, kdé\dorou 
uev vaol, Kéd\duoror Oé Bwwol.. . evmpeméorara d€ Oeois dydduara, and 
Hipparch. ch. iii. for topographical details in connection with the Panathenaic 
procession and other woumal. There is a strong flavour of Attic life in such 
passages. The local colouring, at any rate, is vivid and very pleasing. 

4 See, for Jason's rise and fall, especially Hed/, V1, iv. 27-32 ; and for the 


Ixxiv SKETCH OF THE 


great, and at the height of his power fall by the knife of an 
assassin, but the working out of the divine purpose would 
only be clearer to his religious consciousness. Demagogues 
like Euphron or Lycomedes might flourish for a season and be 
swept to their doom, his heart might be touched, but the hand 
of the artist would not falter in its portraiture ; the chronicler 
of tragic incidents would depict and criticise and point his 
morals, as the spirit moved him, with reserve and dignity. He 
might be tempted to throw down his pen in despair at the 
confusion worse confounded which seemed the sole result of 
the battlefield of Mantinea,! but the wave of its storm would 
not come nigh him. He could still console himself with his 
great philosophical romance and his minor scientific treatises. 
It was as the result of a series of such political vicissitudes ” 


artifice of style, uéyas pelfww péyioros, cf. Hell. VI. v. 47, kahdv KdddLov 
Kkd\NoTov. 

1 See the concluding words of the Hledlenica, VII. v. 27, ‘‘ where it was 
expected that one or other of these fell combatants would rule an empire, 
there set in once more confusion worse confounded (not an dpx7, but worse 
anarchy),”” and my remarks in the volume of essays already referred to, 
'“Hellenica,” p. 383 (p. 350 2d ed.) 

2 Hell. VII. i. 39 foll. (1) The state congress at Thebes had proved a 
failure. None of the powers could be got to sign a rescript obtained from the 
king at Susa the year before (Hed/. VII. i. 33 foll.), securing a common peace 
on the basis of the autonomy of Messene and the nullification of the navy of 
Athens. (2) The Thebans had their hands full in Thessaly. (3) Whilst the 
armed force of Athens under Chares was occupied in Argolis, the town of Oropus 
was snatched from her by refugees from Eretria. Chares was ordered home, 
but as soon as his back was turned the Arcadians and Thebans recovered the 
port of Sicyon, which was a severe blow to Athens. None of the allies would 
help her (#ed/. VII. iv. 1). She was forced to put Oropus into the hands 
of Thebes till the rival claims could be arbitrated upon (e//. VII. iv. 2). 
(4) Lycomedes thereupon seized the opportunity of negotiating a peace with 
the Athenians, indignant at their isolation; and so it came about that at one 
and the same moment Athens was in league with Sparta and her enemies the 
Arcadians, whilst the Arcadians themselves were in league with Thebes and her 
enemies the Athenians. But that was not the end of the matter. (5) On the 
motion of Demotion it was proposed to append as a rider to the Atheno- 
Arcadian peace an injunction to the generals to secure Corinth to the De- 
mocracy (/7e/d. VII. iv. 4, 5): eladvros 6¢ Anuoriwvos év 7H Shuw rv 
*"AOqvatuv ws 7 Mev mpos rods ’Apkddas pidla Kah@s ad’r@ Soxoln mpdrrecOa, 
Tols peévToL oTpaTnyois mpooTdéae pn xphvat, dws Kal KépwOos oa TO 
djuw Tov AOnvalwv* dxovcavres dé Tatra ol KopivOin . . . «.7.d. (6) The 
Corinthians getting wind of their intention, promptly but in the civilest manner 
sent away all Athenian troops from their garrisons, and when Chares appeared 
with his fleet in the harbour of Cenchreae, refused him anchorage (//ed/, VII. 
iv. 5). (7) Then by a stroke of diplomacy they secured the treaty of neutrality 


LIFE OF XENOPHON Ixxv 


that Corinth, with her subordinate sister states Phlius,’ Epi- 
daurus (and Pellene?), had by a stroke of diplomacy secured 
to herself (in 366 B.c.) in the midst of the general confusion 
a position of comparative security. With the permission of 
Thebes, the consent of Sparta, and the tacit acquiescence of 
Athens, these states had bound themselves by a self-defensive 
treaty of neutrality. The oaths were taken at Thebes, since 
with Thebes they had hitherto along with Sparta been at war ; 
and Corinth at all events not only continued to keep at peace 
with all the world for many a long day, but was strong enough 
to remain unmolested. 

We pass on to the year 363 and the incident so often 
referred to—the death of Gryllus, whom we assume to be the 
elder of the Dioscuri. He was killed in the cavalry skirmish 
the day before (or possibly a day or two before) the battle of 
Mantinea itself. Xenophon has himself passed an encomium 
on the gallant and unselfish behaviour of the Athenian cavalry, 
who, to save the sheep and cattle, children and old folk, still 
outside the walls of the city, rode out at the urgent petition 
of the townsmen, after a long march and without breakfasting, 
and achieved their object.1_ It was in this engagement, prob- 
ably, that Xenophon’s son fell. He fought so manfully and 
was so much beloved that it is easy to understand how the 
story came to be invented that Epaminondas had fallen by the 


aboye referred to (zd. 6-10). After various negotiations the Thebans, as Xeno- 
phon tells us, finally offered the Corinthian envoys alliance, which, as implying 
war with their former friends, was refused. They had come, they said, pre- 
pared to swear to an equitable peace; and the Thebans, admiring their 
staunch loyalty to old friends in the face of danger, conceded it (swexdpynoay 
avrots Kal Pdraclors Kal Tots EAPobor wer’ aldray els OnBas Thy elpnyny ep gre 
éxew Thy éavray éxdorous). I cannot but think that the historian in his 
heart approves of this whole arrangement, and he certainly does justice to the 
Thebans. As to the conduct of his friends the Phliasians and Corinthians, 
he might have said precisely what Archidamus the son of Agesilaus is made to 
say by Jsocrates in the composition so named (Isocr. Or. vi., Archidamos, § 
91), which purports to be spoken at a particular stage of the negotiations in 
366 B.C., during a debate at Sparta on the Theban proposal. ‘‘ Epidaurus, 
Corinth, Phlius, may without reproach prefer safety to honour : Sparta cannot..’’ 
‘Even, however, if we were utterly forsaken I should be ashamed to give up 
Messene”’ (24. § 70). So Xenophon, of the Spartans on the same occasion : 
airol & épacay modemotvres mpdéew Ore dv TH Oe@ pirov 7° UphoecOar de 
ovdérore Hv Tapa Tav Tarépwy mapédaBov Mecorjvyy ratrns orepnOjvac. 
1 See Curtius, W. G. iv. 484. 


Ixxvi SKETCH OF THE 


hand of Gryllus, as represented in a famous picture.’ The 
loss of this young man signifies, of course, but a drop in the 
cup of collective pain ; nor was the particular pain itself without 
its anodyne, since the youth had died nobly. ‘There is a pretty 
fragment of a letter among the Xenophontine epistles preserved 
in Stobaeus, which no one will hold to be genuine, but the 
sentiment of it is well conceived, and seems to fall from the lips 
of Xenophon. It is addressed to Soteira, who may be supposed 
to be the wife or sister of Gryllus. ‘‘ Blessed then is Gryllus, 
blessed amongst those who chose not length of days but a 
life of virtue ; blessed is he, although God granted to him but 
a brief span of years” (yaxapios ody 8) Tptddos cat doris od 
Td pixurrov édopevos TOD Biov, Td de peta dperis, Kal et Bpaxdyv 
of &wxev aidva 6 Ocds).2 This is how Diogenes Laertius re- 
counts the matter. He is inaccurate in details, but the tale 
itself deserved to live. ‘‘Diodorus came safely out of the 
battle without having wrought any conspicuous deed. He 
had a son born to him whom he named after his brother. 
Gryllus was serving in the cavalry ; it was the battle of Man- 
tinea, and he fought valorously and was slain, as says Ephorus 
in chapter xxv. Cephisodorus was in command of the Attic 
horse, and Hegesileos was general. It was in this battle that 
Epaminondas fell.? Meanwhile, as the story goes, Xenophon 
was engaged in offering sacrifice; the chaplet was upon his 
brow when they brought him news, saying, ‘Your son has 
fallen,’ whereupon he removed the chaplet; but as the mes- 
sengers added ‘nobly’ he replaced it on his head, shedding, 
as others have mentioned, no tear, but only uttering the 
words dew Ovntdv yeyevynkds, (I knew my child was mortal).” 

But of this matter enough. To pass on a fewyears. The 
autobiographical passage penned by Xenophon in 359 B.c.4 


1 Painted by Euphranor. See Pausan. VIII. xi. 6; IX. xv. 5; Ephor. 
ap. D. L. ii. 53; Plut. de Glor. Athen. ii. 346. The real slayer, according to 
Dioscorides ap. Plut. Ages. 35, was the Spartan Anticrates (Machaerion). 

* Epp. frag. e Stob. 9. 

3 Epaminondas fell in the battle itself, as every one knows. It is doubt- 
less a mistake to suppose that Gryllus fell actually in the same battle. The 
Athenian cavalry, as we learn from Xenophon himself, scarcely came into 
action. Nothing at any rate is said of any loss sustained on their part, which, 
if Gryllus had fallen on that day, would be truly astonishing. 

4 Hell. VI, iv. 37, Tav 5é radra rpaédyrwy (the assassins of Alexander of 


LIFE OF XENOPHON Ixxvii 


(which has been more than once referred to) brings us’ back 
to the writer’s study ; and now, if ever, we must picture him 
hard at work finishing and revising, and perhaps superintend- 
ing the editing of various works. How these labours were 
performed, and who helped him in them, we cannot say. _ Per- 
haps some member of his family, his son or a grandson, or a 
favourite slave or freedman, played the part of amanuensis. 
Perhaps works already on the stocks were now finished ; per- 
haps later and fuller editions of old works, with notes and 
emendations and appendices, were now being made; whilst 
others were still shaping themselves in his brain or upon his 
lips. One may almost overhear the author dictating to his 
secretary, who is taking down the sentences. ‘This is not the 
place to press the inquiry into his manner of composition 
further. I content myself with the suggestion conveyed in 
the above picture. If correct, it might perhaps explain cer- 
tain puzzles in connection with many of the Xenophontine 
writings, as we possess them (his repetitions, and so forth), 
which are familiar enough to the critical student. Perhaps 
this alter ego, of whom we seem to be aware, is no grandson 
editor,? nor yet a trader in false wares crudely imitating the 
writer’s mannerism, but simply the voice of the old man him- 
self going over the old ground, and enunciating in season (or, 
it may be, out of season) wise saws and solemn instances, the 
inveterate convictions of a lifetime. If the saws are somewhat 
pedantic at times;* if the amiable didactic air has grown 


Pherae) dxpi ob Bde 6 Abyos éypadero Ticidovos mpecBiraTos wy TGy ddehpiiy 
Thy apxnv elxe. For the date of the occurrence see above, note 3, p. Ixiii. 

1 It seems to me certain that, if the Cynegeticus was a work of his youth 
(and, doubtless, it is instinct with a certain youthful fervour, as Cobet has said, 
Mnem. 7, 422, N. L. 774, as of one Oupoedots Te kal Epwrikod), the author 
re-handled it in his old age. The Zac. Pol. seems also to have been re- 
handled ; so too the Memorabilia perhaps, the Cyropaedia, and the Oeconomic. 

2 See above, in reference to the Oeconomzc. It is the opinion of many 
critics that Xenophon’s grandson (the Xenophon of the dzrooraciov Néyos) per- 
haps edited his grandfather's works, and interpolated them. See above. It 
should be borne in mind that the very existence of this grandson is based upon 
a mere conjecture, however acute, of Grote (H. G. ix. 246 note 1). It is 
remarkable what use the critics have made of him. He has proved a very 
deus ex machina for solving all sorts of bibliographical difficulties. 

3 It looks as if Xenophon had in his later years gone to school once more, 
and taken Isocrates as his model. His style, naturally so simple, appears to 


Ixxvill SKETCH OF THE 


upon him; if he moralises overmuch, we ought not to mind. 
His heart is still as sound as ever, and his voice was certainly 
never sweeter than in some of his later works. As I have 
elsewhere observed,! we seem to be listening to a sweet- 
tongued talker, a wise man and a good, whose style reminds 
us of the Vicar of Wakefield. In spite of his sage talk, he 
presents to us the appearance of a practical man, who has seen 
men and manners, and tasted wisdom at the fountain-head. 
Nothing is pleasanter than to sit by and listen to his reflec- 
tions, somewhat loosely and yet pretentiously delivered. 

I have already expressed my conviction that the tract on 
the Revenues” is the latest of his works, and that this essay 
was written, as I take it, to please a friend, but with absolute 
sincerity, and from the point of view of commercial interests. 
It was not penned till 355 B.c., when, probably, the writer was 
over seventy-five years of age, and within a year of his death. 

The limits of this sketch do not permit me to dwell on the 
many points of biographical interest to be discovered in this 
and the other minor works of Xenophon, replete as these all 
are with illustrations of the writer’s personal qualities—his 
religiousness and his moralising vein, his belief in the virtue 
of sport and athleticism, his economic bent,? his strategic and 
scientific interests, his kindliness to slaves and animals,* his 
appreciation of the duties of a good father® and a good 
citizen—his pride in Athens underlying all.® 

I will content myself with but two instances among many. 
The first passage is from the Wipparchikos, and was penned, 


have become, sometimes pleasantly and sometimes painfully, artificial. Apart 
from which, he has suffered much from editors and interpolators. 

1 See my essay in ‘‘ Hellenica,” pp. 343, 344 (313 foll. 2d ed.) 

2 As is proved, I think, by internal evidence. Apparently it was intended 
for a speech, or to be read as a speech, on some financial debate in the Senate 
at Athens. The friend for whom it was written may have been Eubulus him- 
self, or a supporter of his. For the policy advocated cf. Isocrates, de Pace. 
If the writer of this tract was not Xenophon himself, it was certainly some 
one who had thoroughly caught his manner, and thought as he did on most 
matters. 

3 I have already referred to Cyrop. VIII. ii. 5, a passage worthy of Adam 
Smith, 

4 See Cyneg. v. 24, 29, 33, passages which remind one of Gilbert White, 
Michelet, and Charles St. John. © See Cyne. i. and xii. 

8 See Revenues, i.; v. 10; Hipparch.; de R. Eq. passim. 


LIFE OF XENOPHON Ixxix 


perhaps, in the year 365 B.c., before his son Gryllus died. 
The other may be the very last words he wrote before death 
summoned him also. Both have this biographic quality 
in common, that the writer relapses into an ancient mood 
of mind, and, in the second of them, even into an ancient 
manner of expression. In the former he is apologising for 
what may seem to his readers the too frequent iteration of 
his favourite phrase, civ Oem (God granting). This is what he 
says: ‘If the repetition of the phrase throughout this trea- 
tise, ‘ Act with God,’ surprises any one, he may take my word 
for it, that with the daily or hourly occurrence of perils which 
must betide him, his wonderment will diminish ; as also with 
the clearer recognition of the fact that in time of war the 
antagonists are full of designs against each other ; but the pre- 
cise issue of these plots and counterplots is rarely known. To 
what counsellor, then, can a man apply for advice in his 
extremity save only to the gods, who know all things, and fore- 
warn whomsoever they will by victims, or by omens, by voice 
or vision? Is it not rational to suppose that they will prefer 
to help in their need, not those who merely seek them in time 
of momentary stress and trouble, but those who, in the halcyon 
days of their prosperity, make a practice of rendering to heaven 
the service of heart and soul?” ! 

The concluding paragraphs of the Revenues run as follows, 
and read as if the speaker were recalling an experience of his 
early manhood: “ Yet if none of these proposals be impracti- 
cable or even difficult of execution; if rather by giving them 
effect, we may conciliate further the friendship of Hellas, 
whilst we strengthen our own administration and increase our 
fame; if by the same means the People shall be provided 
with the necessaries of life, and our rich men be relieved of 
expenditure on war; if with the large surplus to be counted 
on, we are in a position to conduct our festivals on an even 
grander scale than heretofore, to restore our temples, to rebuild 
our forts and docks, and to reinstate in their ancient privileges 
our priests, our senators, our magistrates, and our knights ;— 
surely it were but reasonable to enter upon this project speedily, 


1 Lipparch. ix. 8, 9; and for the harking back of thought see AZem, and 
Synip. passim. 


xxx LIFE OF XENOPHON | 


so that we too, even in our own day, may witness the unclouded 
dawn of prosperity in store for our city. 

“But if you are agreed to carry out this plan, there is one 
further counsel which I would urge upon you. Send to Dodona 
and to Delphi, I would beg you, and consult the will of Heaven : 
whether such provision and such a policy on our part be truly 
to the interests of Athens both for the present and for the 
time to come? If the consent of Heaven be thus obtained, 
we ought then, I say, to put a further question: whose special 
favour among the gods shall we seek to secure with a view to 
the happier execution of these measures? And in accordance 
with that answer, let us offer a sacrifice of happy omen to the 
deities so named, and commence the work; since if these 
transactions be so carried out with the will of God, have we 
not the right to prognosticate some further advance in the 
path of political progress. for this whole State?” } 

1 [Idpo, vi. 1-3. This reads like the peroration to a speech addressed to 


the Boule in a finance debate (see above, p. Ixxviii.); and for the thought 
passing through his mind see AZem. and Anad. 


ANABASIS 


BOOK Lt. 1-5 


i.—Darius and Parysatis had two sons: the elder was 
named Artaxerxes, and the younger Cyrus. Now, as Darius lay 
sick and felt that the end of life drew near, he wished both his 
sons to be with him. ‘The elder, as it chanced, was already 
there, but Cyrus he must needs send for from the province 
over which he had made him satrap, having appointed him 
general moreover of all the forces that muster in the plain 
of the Castolus. Thus Cyrus went up, taking with him Tissa- 
phernes as his friend, and accompanied also by a body of 
Hellenes, three hundred heavy armed men, under the command 
of Xenias the Parrhasian.} 

Now when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was estab- 
lished in the kingdom, Tissaphernes brought slanderous accu- 
sation against Cyrus before his brother, the king, of harbouring 
designs against him. And Artaxerxes, listening to the words 
of Tissaphernes, laid hands upon Cyrus, desiring to put him 
to death; but his mother made intercession for him, and sent 
him back again in safety to his province. He then, having 
so escaped through peril and dishonour, fell to considering, 
not only how he might avoid ever again being in his brother’s 
power, but how, if possible, he might become king in his 
stead. Parysatis, his mother, was his first resource; for she 
had more love for Cyrus than for Artaxerxes upon his throne. 
Moreover Cyrus’s behaviour towards all who came to him 
from the king’s court was such that, when he sent them away 


1 Parrhasia, a district or canton in the south-west of Arcadia. For the 
incidents in the life of Cyrus referred to, see He//. I. iv. ; Il. i. 7-15. 


B 


2 ANABASIS—BK. I. ress 


again, they were better friends to himself than to the king his 
brother. Nor did he neglect the barbarians in his own ser- 
vice ; but trained them, at once to be capable as warriors and 
devoted adherents of himself. Lastly, he began collecting his 
Hellenic armament, but with the utmost secrecy, so that he 
might take the king as far as might be at unawares. 

The manner in which he contrived the levying of the troops 
was as follows: First, he sent orders to the commandants of 
garrisons in the cities (so held by him), bidding them to get 
together as large a body of picked Peloponnesian troops as they 
severally were able, on the plea that Tissaphernes was plotting 
against their cities ; and truly these cities of Ionia had origin- 
ally belonged to Tissaphernes, being given to him by the king ; 
but at this time, with the exception of Miletus, they had all 
revolted to Cyrus. In Miletus, Tissaphernes, having become 
aware of similar designs, had forestalled the conspirators by 
putting some to death and banishing the remainder. Cyrus, 
on his side, welcomed these fugitives, and having collected 
an army, laid siege to Miletus by sea and land, endeavouring 
to reinstate the exiles; and this gave him another pretext for 
collecting an armament. At the same time he sent to the 
king, and claimed, as being the king’s brother, that these 
cities should be given to himself rather than that Tissa- 
phernes should continue to govern them; and in furtherance 
of this end, the queen, his mother, co-operated with him, so 
that the king not only failed to see the design against himself, 
but concluded that Cyrus was spending his money on arma- 
ments in order to make war on Tissaphernes. Nor did it 
pain him greatly to see the two at war together, and the 
less so because Cyrus was careful to remit the tribute due 
to the king from the cities which belonged to Tissaphernes. 

A third army was being collected for him in the Chersonese, 
over against Abydos, the origin of which was as follows: There 
was a Lacedaemonian exile, named Clearchus,! with whom 
Cyrus had become associated. Cyrus admired the man, and 
made him a present of ten thousand darics.2 Clearchus 


1 See above, He//. 1. i. 35. 
2? = £10,200; a Persian gold coin= 125.55 grains of gold= £1 : 2 : 23, but 
see below, pp. 13, 26. 


es ey CYRUS LEVIES TROOPS 3 


§ 1, B.C. 403-401 | 


took the gold, and with the money raised an army, and using 
the Chersonese as his base of operations, set to work to fight 
the Thracians north of the Hellespont, in the interests of the 
Hellenes, and with such happy result that the Hellespontine 
cities, of their own accord, were eager to contribute funds for 
the support of his troops. In this way, again, an armament 
was being secretly maintained for Cyrus. 

Then there was the Thessalian Aristippus, Cyrus’s friend,! 
who, under pressure of the rival political party at home, had 
come to Cyrus and asked him for pay for two thousand mer- 
cenaries, to be continued for three months, which would enable 
him, he said, to gain the upper hand of his antagonists. Cyrus 
replied by presenting him with six months’ pay for four thousand 
mercenaries—only stipulating that Aristippus should not come 
to terms with his antagonists without final consultation with 
himself. In this way he secured to himself the secret main- 
tenance of a fourth armament. 

Further, he bade Proxenus, a Boeotian, who was another 
friend, get together as many men as possible, and join him 
on an expedition which he meditated against the Pisidians,? 
who were causing annoyance to his territory. Similarly two 
other friends, Sophaenetus the Stymphalian,*? and Socrates 
the Achaean, had orders to get together as many men as 
possible and come to him, since he was on the point of 
opening a campaign, along with the Milesian exiles, against 
Tissaphernes. ‘These orders were dulycarried out bythe three 
in question. 

u1.—But when the right moment seemed to him to have 
come, at which he should begin his march into the interior, 
the pretext which he put forward was his desire to expel the 
Pisidians utterly out of the country ; and he began collecting 
both his Asiatic and his Hellenic armaments, avowedly against 
that people. From Sardis in each direction his orders sped : 
to Clearchus, to join him there with the whole of his army ; 

1 Lit. ‘‘ guest-friend,’’ €évos my. Aristippus was, as we learn from the 
Meno of Plato (ad zm.), a native of Larisa, of the family of the Aleuadae, and 
a pupil of Gorgias. He was also a lover of Menon, whom he appears to have 
sent on this expedition instead of himself. See below, p. 65. 


2 Lit. ‘‘into the country of the Pisidians,”’ 
3 Of Stymphalus in Arcadia. 


4 ANABASIS—BK. I. ieee tn § a 
to Aristippus, to come to terms with those at home, and 
to despatch to him the troops in his employ; to Xenias the 
Arcadian, who was acting as general-in-chief of the foreign 
troops in the cities, to present himself with all the men avail- 
able, excepting only those who were actually needed to garrison 
the citadels. He next summoned the troops a present en- 
gaged in the siege of Miletus, and called upon the exiles to 
follow him on his intended expedition, promising them that if 
he were successful in his object, he would not pause until he 
had reinstated them in their native city. To this invitation 
they hearkened gladly; they believed in him; and with their 
arms they presented themselves at Sardis. So, too, Xenias 
arrived at Sardis with the contingent from the cities, four 
thousand hoplites ; Proxenus, also, with fifteen hundred hop- 
lites and five hundred light-armed troops ; Sophaenetus the 
Stymphalian, with one thousand hoplites; Socrates the Achaean, 
with five hundred hoplites; while the Megarian Pasion came 
with three hundred hoplites and three hundred peltasts.' This 
latter officer, as well as Socrates, belonged to the force engaged 
against Miletus. These all joined him at Sardis. 

But Tissaphernes did not fail to note these proceedings. 
An equipment so large pointed to something more than an 
invasion of Pisidia: so he argued; and with what speed he 
might, he set off to the king, attended by about five hundred 
horse. The king, on his side, had no sooner heard from 
Tissaphernes of Cyrus’s great armament, than he began to 
make counter-preparations. 

Thus Cyrus, with the troops which I have named, set out 
from Sardis, and marched on and on through Lydia three 
stages, making two-and-twenty parasangs,” to the river Maeander. 
That river is two hundred feet® broad, and was spanned by 
a bridge consisting of seven boats. Crossing it, he marched 
through Phrygia a single stage, of eight parasangs, to Colossae, 


1 ««Targeteers’ armed with a light shield (é\rn) instead of the larger 
aomls of the hoplite, or heavy infantry soldier. Iphicrates made great use of 
this arm at a later date. See Hedi. IV. iv. 16. 

2 The Persian ‘‘farsang’’=30 stades, nearly 1 league, 34 statute miles, 
though not of uniform value in all parts of Asia. Cf. Grote, Hist. of Greece, 
vol. i. p. 19 note (1st ed.) 

3 « Two plethra”’: the plethron=about 1o1 English feet. 


Mar ie-Ace. ag} | CYRUS BEGINS HIS MARCH i 


an inhabited city,! prosperous and large. Here he remained 
seven days, and was joined by Menon the Thessalian, who 
arrived with one thousand hoplites and five hundred peltasts, 
Dolopes, Aenianes,? and Olynthians. From this place he 
marched three stages, twenty parasangs in all, to Celaenae, a 
populous city of Phrygia, large and prosperous. Here Cyrus 
owned a palace and a large park ? full of wild beasts, which he 
used to hunt on horseback, whenever he wished to give himself 
or his horses exercise. Through the midst of the park flows the 
river Maeander, the sources of which are within the palace build- 
ings, and it flows through the city of Celaenae.* The great king 
also has a palace in Celaenae, a strong place, on the sources of 
another river, the Marsyas, at the foot of the acropolis. This 
river also flows through the city, discharging itself into the 
Maeander, and is five-and-twenty feet broad. Here is the place 
where Apollo is said to have flayed Marsyas,° when he had con- 
quered him in the contest of skill. He hung up the skin 
of the conquered man, in the cavern where the spring wells 
forth, and hence the name of the river, Marsyas. It was 
on this site that Xerxes, as tradition tells, built this very 
palace, as well as the citadel of Celaenae itself, on his retreat 
from Hellas, after he had lost the famous battle. Here Cyrus 
remained for thirty days, during which Clearchus the Lace- 
daemonian arrived with one thousand hoplites and eight 
hundred Thracian peltasts and two hundred Cretan archers. 
At the same time, also, came Sosis the Syracusan with three 
thousand hoplites, and Sophaenetus the Arcadian® with one 
thousand hoplites ; and here Cyrus held a review, and numbered 
his Hellenes in the park, and found that they amounted in all 
to eleven thousand hoplites and about two thousand peltasts.’ 

1 Lit. ‘‘inhabited,’’ many of the cities of Asia being then as now deserted, 
but the suggestion is clearly at times ‘‘ thickly inhabited,’’ ‘‘ populous.” 

2 For these tribes see below, p. 168. 

3 Lit. ‘‘ paradise,” an oriental word=park or pleasure-ground ; in LXX. 
of the garden of Eden, hence our ‘‘ Paradise.” 


4 For the position of Celaenae see map. 

5 For the story of Marsyas see Herod. vii. 26; Livy, xxxviii. 13; Plat. 
Rep. 3, 399 E. 

8 Perhaps this should be Agias the Arcadian, as Mr. Macmichael suggests. 
Sophaenetus has already been named above. 

? See Thirlwall, W7s¢. of Greece, ch. xxxiii, p. 289, and below, p. 128, note 4; 


p- 175, note 3. 


6 ANABASIS—BK. I. ie eae 


From this place he continued his march two stages—ten 
parasangs—to the populous city of Peltae, where he remained 
three days ; while Xenias, the Arcadian, celebrated the Lycaea ! 
with sacrifice, and instituted games. ‘The prizes were head- 
bands of gold ; and Cyrus himself was a spectator of the contest. 
From this place the march was continued two stages—twelve 
parasangs—to Ceramén-agora, a populous city, the last on 
the confines of Mysia. ‘Thence a march of three stages— 
thirty parasangs—brought him to Caystru-pedion,? a populous 
city. Here Cyrus halted five days; and the soldiers, whose 
pay was now more than three months in arrear, came several 
times to the palace-gates demanding their dues; while Cyrus 
put them off with fine words and expectations, but could not 
conceal his vexation, for it was not his fashion to stint payment, 
when he had the means. At this point Epyaxa, the wife of 
Syennesis, the king of the Cilicians, arrived on a visit to Cyrus ; 
and it was said that Cyrus had received a large gift of money 
from the queen. At this date, at any rate, Cyrus gave the 
army four months’ pay. ‘The queen was accompanied by a 
bodyguard of Cilicians and Aspendians ; and, if report speaks 
truly, Cyrus had intimate relations with the queen. 

From this place he marched two stages—ten parasangs— 
to Thymbrium, a populous city. Here, by the side of the road, 
is the spring of Midas, the king of Phrygia, as it is called, 
where Midas, as the story goes, caught the satyr by drugging 
the spring with wine.? From this place he marched two stages— 
ten parasangs—to Tyriaeum, a populous city. Here he halted 
three days; and the Cilician queen, according to the popular 
account, begged Cyrus to exhibit his armament for her amuse- 
ment. The latter being only too glad to make such an exhibi- 
tion, held a review of the Hellenes and barbarians in the 
plain. He ordered the Hellenes to draw up their lines and 
post themselves in their customary battle order, each general 
marshalling his own battalion. Accordingly they drew up four- 

1 The Lycaea, an Arcadian festival in honour of Zeds Aukatos, akin to the 
Roman Lupercalia, which was originally a shepherd festival, the introduction of 
which the Romans ascribe to the Arcadian Evander. See Plutarch (Caesar). 

2 Lit. ‘‘plain of the Cayster,” like Ceramon-agora, ‘‘the market of the 


Ceramians”’ above, the name of a town. 
3 For the story of Midas and the Satyr see Ovid, AZedam. xi. go ff. 


May deo ee gor} = REVIEW AT TYRIAEUM 7 
deep. The right was held by Menon and those with him ; 
the left by Clearchus and his men ; the centre by the remain- 
ing generals with theirs. Cyrus first inspected the barbarians, 
who marched past in troops of horse and companies of in- 
fantry. He then inspected the Hellenes; driving past them 
in his chariot, with the queen in her carriage. And they all 
had brass helmets and purple tunics, and greaves, and their 
shields uncovered. 

After he had driven past the whole body, he drew up his 
chariot in front of the centre of the battle-line, and sent his 
interpreter Pigres to the generals of the Hellenes, with orders to 
present arms and to advance along the whole line. This order 
was repeated by the generals to their men; and at the sound 
of the bugle, with shields forward and spears in rest, they 
advanced to meet the enemy. The pace quickened, and with 
a shout the soldiers spontaneously fell into a run, making in 
the direction of the camp. Great was the panic of the bar- 
barians. The Cilician queen in her carriage turned and fled ; 
the sutlers in the marketing place left their wares and took to 
their heels ; and the Hellenes meanwhile came into camp with 
a roar of laughter. What astounded the queen was the 
brilliancy and order of the armament; but Cyrus was pleased 
to see the terror inspired by the Hellenes in the hearts of the 
Asiatics. 

From this place he marched on three stages—twenty para- 
sangs—to Iconium, the last city of Phrygia, where he remained 
three days. Thence he marched through Lycaonia five stages— 
thirty parasangs, This was hostile country, and he gave it over 
to the Hellenes to pillage. At this point Cyrus sent back the 
Cilician queen into her own country by the quickest route ; and 
to escort her he sent the soldiers of Menon, and Menon himself. 
With the rest of the troops he continued his march through 
Cappadocia four stages—twenty-five parasangs—to Dana,” a 
populous city, large and flourishing. Here they halted three 
days, within which interval Cyrus put to death, on a charge of 
conspiracy, a Persian nobleman named Megaphernes, a wearer 
of the royal purple ; and along with him another high dignitary 
among his subordinate commanders. 

1 7,e, ready for action. Cf. ‘‘ bayonets fixed.” Ormeihvanaae 


8 ANABASIS—BK. I. romeo 

From this place they endeavoured to force a passage into 
Cilicia. Now the entrance was by an exceedingly steep cart- 
road, impracticable for an army in face of a resisting force ; 
and report said that Syennesis was on the summit of the pass 
guarding the approach. Accordingly they halted a day in the 
plain; but next day came a messenger informing them that 
Syennesis had left the pass; doubtless, after perceiving that 
Menon’s army was already in Cilicia on his own side of the 
mountains ; and he had further been informed that ships of 
war, belonging to the Lacedaemonians and to Cyrus himself, 
with Tamos on board as admiral, were sailing round from 
Ionia to Cilicia) Whatever the reason might be, Cyrus 
made his way up into the hills without let or hindrance, 
and came in sight of the tents where the Cilicians were on 
guard. From that point he descended gradually into a large 
and beautiful plain country, well watered, and thickly covered 
with trees of all sorts and vines. This plain produces sesame 
plentifully, as also panic and millet and barley and wheat ; 
and it is shut in on all sides by a steep and lofty wall of 
mountains from sea to sea. Descending through this plain 
country, he advanced four stages—twenty-five parasangs—to 
Tarsus, a large and prosperous city of Cilicia. Here stood 
the palace of Syennesis, the king of the country ; and through 
the middle of the city flows a river called the Cydnus, two 
hundred feet broad. They found that the city had been de- 
serted by its inhabitants, who had betaken themselves, with 
Syennesis, to a strong place on the hills. All had gone, except 
the tavern-keepers. The sea-board inhabitants of Soli and Issi 
also remained. Now Epyaxa, Syennesis’s queen, had reached 
Tarsus five days in. advance of Cyrus. During their passage over 
the mountains into the plain, two companies of Menon’s army , 
were lost. Some said they had been cut down by the Cilicians, 
while engaged on some pillaging affair; another account was that 
they had been left behind, and being unable to overtake the 
main body, or discover the route, had gone astray and perished. 
However it was, they numbered one hundred hoplites; and 
when the rest arrived, being in a fury at the destruction of their 
fellow-soldiers, they vented their spleen by pillaging the city 
of Tarsus and the palace to boot. Now when Cyrus had 


jis ic} «DISCONTENT AT TARSUS 5 


marched into the city, he sent for Syennesis to come to him; 
but the latter replied that he had never yet put himself into 
the hands of any one who was his superior, nor was he willing 
to accede to the proposal of Cyrus now; until, in the end, his 
wife persuaded him, and he accepted pledges of good faith. 
After this they met, and Syennesis gave Cyrus large sums in 
aid of his army; while Cyrus presented him with the cus- 
tomary royal gifts—to wit, a horse with a gold bit, a neck- 
lace of gold, a gold bracelet, and a gold scimitar, a Persian 
dress, and lastly, the exemption of his territory from further 
pillage, with the privilege of taking back the slaves that had 
been seized, wherever they might chance to come upon them. 

u1.—At Tarsus Cyrus and his army halted for twenty 
days; the soldiers refusing to advance further, since the suspicion 
ripened in their minds, that the expedition was in reality directed 
against the king; and as they insisted, they had not engaged their 
services for that object. Clearchus set the example of trying 
to force his men to continue their march ; but he had no sooner 
started at the head of his troops than they began to pelt him 
and his baggage train, and Clearchus had a narrow escape of 
being stoned to death there and then. Later on, when he 
perceived that force was useless, he summoned an assembly 
of his own men; and for a long while he stood and wept, 
while the men gazed in silent astonishment. At last he spoke 
as follows: ‘“‘ Fellow-soldiers, do not marvel that I am sorely 
distressed on account of the present troubles. Cyrus has been 
no ordinary friend to me. When I was in banishment he 
honoured me in various ways, and made me also a present of 
ten thousand darics.1. These I accepted, but not to lay them 
up for myself for private use ; not to squander them in pleasure, 
but to expend them on yourselves. And, first of all, I went 
to war with the Thracians, and with you to aid, I wreaked 
vengeance on them in behalf of Hellas; driving them out of 
the Chersonese, when they wanted to deprive its Hellenic 
inhabitants of their lands. But as soon as Cyrus summoned 
me, I took you with me and set out, so that, if my benefactor 
had any need of me, I might requite him for the good treat- 
ment I myself had received at his hands. . .. But since 


1 —j0,000 guineas (see p. 13). 


10 ANABASIS—BK. I. nin oe 
you are not minded to continue the march with me, one of 
two things is left to me to do: either I must renounce you for 
the sake of my friendship with Cyrus, or I must go with you 
at the cost of deceiving him. Whether I am about to do right 
or not, I cannot say, but I choose yourselves ; and, whatever 
betide, I mean to share your fate. Never shall it be said of 
me by any one that, having led Greek troops against the bar- 
barians,! I betrayed the Hellenes, and chose the friendship 
of the barbarian. No! since you do not choose to obey 
and follow me, I will follow after you. Whatever betide, I 
will share your fate. I look upon you as my country, my 
friends, my allies; with you I think I shall be honoured, 
wherever I be; without you I do not see how I can help a 
friend or hurt a foe. My decision is taken. Wherever you 
go, I go also. Be sure of that.” 

Such were his words. But the soldiers, not only his own, 
but the rest also, when they heard what he said, and how he 
had scouted the idea of going up to the great king’s palace,? 
expressed their approval; and more than two thousand men 
deserted Xenias and Pasion, and took their arms and baggage- 
train, and came and encamped with Clearchus. But Cyrus, in 
despair and vexation at this turn of affairs, sent for Clearchus. 
He refused to come ; but, without the knowledge of the soldiers, 
sent a message to Cyrus, bidding him keep a good heart, 
for that all would arrange itself in the right way; and bade 
him keep on sending for him, whilst he himself refused to go. 
After that he got together his own men, with those who had 
joined him, and of the rest any who chose to come, and spoke 
as follows: ‘ Fellow soldiers, it is clear that the relations of 
Cyrus to us are identical with ours to him. We are no longer 
his soldiers, since we have ceased to follow him; and he, on 
his side, is no longer our paymaster. He, however, no doubt 
considers himself wronged by us ; and though he goes on send- 
ing for me, I cannot bring myself to go to him: for two reasons, 
chiefly from a sense of shame, for I am forced to admit to 
myself that I have altogether deceived him; but partly, too, 
because I am afraid of his seizing me and inflicting a penalty 


1 Lit. “into the country of the barbarian. 
* Or, ‘‘ how he insisted that he was not going up.” 


fines, 5} CLEARCHUS AND THE SOLDIERS = 
on me for the wrongs which he conceives that I have done him. 
In my opinion, then, this is no time for us to go to sleep 
and forget all about ourselves, rather it is high time to deliberate 
on our next move ; and as long as we do remain here, we had 
better bethink us how we are to abide in security; or, if we 
are resolved to turn our backs at once, what will be the safest 
means of retreat ; and, further, how we are to procure supplies, 
for without supplies? there is no profit whatsoever either in the 
general or the private soldier. The man with whom we have 
to deal is an excellent friend to his friends, but a very danger- 
ous enemy to his foes. And he is backed by a force of infantry 
and cavalry and ships such as we all alike very well see and 
know, since we can hardly be said to have posted ourselves at any 
great distance from him. If, then, any one has a suggestion to 
make, now is the time to speak.” With these words he ceased. 

Then various speakers stood up; some of their own 
motion to propound their views ; others inspired? by Clearchus 
to dilate on the hopeless difficulty of either staying, or going back 
without the goodwill of Cyrus. One of these, in particular, with 
a make-believe of anxiety to commence the homeward march 
without further pause, called upon them instantly to choose other 
generals, if Clearchus were not himself prepared to lead them 
back: ‘“ Let them at once purchase supplies ” (the market being 
in the heart of the Asiatic camp), “let them pack up their 
baggage: let them,” he added, “go to Cyrus and ask for some 
ships in order to return by sea: if he refused to give them 
ships, let them demand of him a guide to lead them back 
through a friendly district ; and if he would not so much as 
give them a guide, they could but put themselves, without more 
ado, in marching order, and send on a detachment to occupy the 
pass—before Cyrus and the Cilicians, whose property,”® the 
speaker added, ‘“‘ we have so plentifully pillaged, can anticipate 
us.” Such were the remarks of that speaker ; he was followed 
by Clearchus, who merely said: “ As to my acting personally 
as general at this season, pray do not propose it: I can see 
numerous obstacles to my doing so. Obedience, in the fullest, 


ICE Cyropn le vile cA: 
2 Cf. below, VII. vi. 41, p. 228, note 1; Cyrop. I. vi. 19. 
3 Or more lit. ‘‘ whom we have robbed of men and goods so freely.”’ 


2 ANABASIS—BK, I. Fearne vei 


I can render to the man of your choice, that is another 
matter : and you shall see and know that I can play my part, 
under command, with the best of you.” 

After Clearchus another spokesman stood up, and pro- 
ceeded to point out the simplicity of the speaker, who 
proposed to ask for vessels, just as if Cyrus were minded 
to renounce the expedition and sail back again. ‘And let 
me further point out,” he said, “‘what a simple-minded notion 
it is to beg a guide of the very man whose designs we are 
marring. If we can trust any guide whom Cyrus may vouch- 
safe to give us, why not order Cyrus at once to occupy the 
pass in our behoof? For my part, I should think twice be- 
fore I set foot on any ships that he might give us, for fear lest he 
should sink them with his men-of-war; and I should equally 
hesitate to follow any guide of his: he might lead us into 
some place out of which we should find it impossible to escape. 
I should much prefer, if I am to return against the will of 
Cyrus at all, to give him the slip, and so begone: which 
indeed is impossible. But these schemes are simply non- 
sensical.1. My proposal is that a deputation of fit persons, 
with Clearchus, should go to Cyrus: let them go to Cyrus and 
ask him: what use he proposes to make of us? and if the busi- 
ness is at all similar to that on which he once before employed 
a body of foreigners—let us by all means follow: let us show 
that we are the equals of those who accompanied him on 
his march up formerly. But if the design should turn out to 
be of larger import than the former one—involving more toil 
and more danger—we should ask him, either to give us good 
reasons for following his lead, or else consent to send us away 
into a friendly country.? In this way, whether we follow him, 
we shall do so as friends, and with heart and soul, or whether 
we go back, we shall do so in security. The answer to this 
shall be reported to us here, and when we have heard it, we 
will advise as to our best course.” 

This resolution was carried, and they chose and sent a 
deputation with Clearchus, who put to Cyrus the questions 
which had been agreed upon by the army. Cyrus replied as 
follows: That he had received news that Abrocomas, an enemy 


1 Or, ‘‘all this is mere trifling.” ? a/, ‘‘on friendly terms.” 


Pe ay PREEISIOINS AT ISSI 3 


of his, was posted on the Euphrates, twelve stages off; his ‘object 
was to march against this aforesaid Abrocomas: and if he were 
still there, he wished to inflict punishment on him, “or if he 
be fled”! (so the reply concluded), “‘ we will there deliberate on 
the best course.” The deputation received the answer and 
reported it to the soldiers. The suspicion that he was leading 
them against the king was not dispelled ; but it seemed best 
to follow him. They only demanded an increase of pay, and 
Cyrus promised to give them half as much again as they had 
hitherto received,—that is to say, a daric and a half? a month 
to each man, instead of a daric. Was he really leading them to 
attack the king? Not even at this moment was any one ap- 
prised of the fact, at any rate in any open and public manner. 
1v.—From this point he marched two stages—ten parasangs 
—to the river Psarus, which is two hundred feet broad, and from 
the Psarus he marched a single stage—five parasangs—to the 
river Pyramus, which is about two hundred yards broad, and 
from the Pyramus two stages—fifteen parasangs—to Issi, the 
last city in Cilicia. It lies on the seaboard—a prosperous, 
large, and flourishing town. Here they halted three days, and 
here Cyrus was joined by his fleet. There were thirty-five 
ships from Peloponnesus, with the Lacedaemonian admiral 
Pythagoras on board. These had been piloted from Ephesus 
by Tamos the Egyptian, who himself had another fleet of 
twenty-five ships belonging to Cyrus. These had formed 
Tamos’s blockading squadron at Miletus, when that city sided 
with Tissaphernes ;? he had also used them in other military 
services rendered to Cyrus in his operations against that satrap. 
There was a third officer on board the fleet, the Lacedaemonian 
Cheirisophus, who had been sent for by Cyrus, and had brought 
with him seven hundred hoplites, over whom he was to act 
as general in the service of Cyrus. The fleet lay at anchor 
opposite Cyrus’s tent. Here too another reinforcement pre- 
sented itself. This was a body of four hundred hoplites, 
1 Reading pty; or if pevyy, ‘‘if he take to flight.” 

2 J.e., roughly speaking, 30s. in lieu of £1; see above, p. 9. The daric 
‘was in value nearly equivalent to a sovereign, and of a very convenient size 
and shape.’’—Percy Gardner, The Types of Greek Coins, ch. il. p. 12; see 


below, p. 26, note 1. 
3 Or, ‘‘since the town had been friendly to Tissaphernes.”’ 


14 ANABASIS—BK. I. pues Lee 
Hellenic mercenaries in the service of Abrocomas, who deserted 
him for Cyrus, and joined in the campaign against the king. 

From Issi, he marched a single stage—five parasangs— 
to the gates of Cilicia and Syria. This was a double fortress : 
the inner and nearer one, which protects Cilicia, was held by 
Syennesis and a garrison of Cilicians; the outer ard further 
one, protecting Syria, was reported to be garrisoned by a body 
of the king’s troops. Through the gap between the two 
fortresses flows a river named the Carsus, which is a hundred 
feet broad, and the whole space between was scarcely more 
than six hundred yards. To force a passage here would be 
impossible, so narrow was the pass itself, with the fortification 
walls stretching down to the sea, and precipitous rocks above ; 
while both fortresses were furnished with gates. It was the 
existence of this pass which had induced Cyrus to send for the 
fleet, so as to enable him to lead a body of hoplites inside and 
outside the gates ; and so to force a passage through the enemy, 
if he were guarding the Syrian gate, as he fully expected to 
find Abrocomas doing with a large army. This, however, 
Abrocomas had not done; but as soon as he learnt that Cyrus 
was in Cilicia, he had turned round and made his exit from 
Phoenicia, to join the king with an army amounting, as report 
said, to three hundred thousand men. 

From this point Cyrus pursued his march through Syria 
a single stage—five parasangs—to Myriandus, a city inhabited 
by Phoenicians, on the sea-coast. This was a commercial port, 
and numerous merchant vessels were riding at anchor in the 
harbour. Here they halted seven days, and here Xenias the 
Arcadian general, and Pasion the Megarian got on board a 
trader, and having stowed away their most valuable effects, set 
sail for home; most people explained the act as the outcome 
of a fit of jealousy, because Cyrus had allowed Clearchus to 
retain their men, who had deserted to him, in hopes of return- 
ing to Hellas instead of marching against the king; when the 
two had so vanished, a rumour spread that Cyrus was after them 
with some ships of war, and some hoped the cowards? might 
be caught, others pitied them, if that should be their fate. 


1 Lit. ‘‘three stades’’ = 606 yds. 2 ft. 3 in. 
2 Reading devAovs : a/. SoAlovs = ‘‘ the treacherous fellows."’ 


Suiy ee} ~9THROUGH SYRIA TO THAPSACUS 15 


But Cyrus summoned the generals and addressed them: 
“‘Xenias and Pasion,” he said, “have taken leave of us; but 
they need not flatter themselves that in so doing they have 
stolen into hiding. I know where they are gone; nor will 
they owe their escape to speed ; I have men-of-war to capture 
their craft, if I like. But heaven help me! if I mean to pursue 
them: never shall it be said of me, that I turn people to 
account as long as they stay with me; but as soon as they are 
minded to be off, I seize and maltreat them, and strip them of 
their wealth. Not so! let them go with the consciousness that 
our behaviour to them is better than theirs to us. And yet I 
have their children and wives safe under lock and key in 
Tralles; but they shall not be deprived even of these. Theyshall 
receive them back in return for their former goodness to me.” 
So he spoke, and the Hellenes, even those who had been out 
of heart at the thought of marching up the country, when 
they heard of the nobleness of Cyrus, were happier and more 
eager to follow him on his path. 

After this Cyrus marched onwards four stages—twenty 
parasangs—to the river Chalus. That river is a hundred 
feet broad, and is stocked with large tame fish which the 
Syrians regard as gods, and will not suffer to be injured— 
and so too the pigeons of the place. The villages in 
which they encamped belonged to Parysatis, as part of her 
girdle money.!' From this point he marched on five stages— 
thirty parasangs—to the sources of the river Dardas, which is 
a hundred feet broad. Here stood the palace of Belesys, the 
ruler of Syria,? with its park—which was a very large and 
beautiful one, and full of the products of all the seasons in 
their course. But Cyrus cut down the park and burnt the 
palace. Thence he marched on three stages—fifteen para- 
sangs—to the river Euphrates, which is nearly half a mile 

1 Cf. Plat. Alczd. i. 123 B. ‘‘ Why, I have been informed by a credible 
person, who went up to the king [at Susa], that he passed through a large 
tract of excellent land, extending for nearly a day’s journey, which the people 
of the country called the queen’s girdle, and another which they called her 
veil,’ etc. —Prof. Jowett, Plat. ii. 473. _Olympiodorus and the Scholiast both 
suppose that Plato here refers to Xenophon and this passage of the Avabaszs. 
Grote thinks it very probable that Plato had in his mind Xenophon (either his 


Anabasis or personal communications with him).—VPazo, vol. i. 353, note f. 
2 Or, ‘‘late ruler.”’ 


16 ANABASIS—BK. I. ie ene 
broad. A large and flourishing city, named Thapsacus, stands 
on its banks. Here they halted five days, and here Cyrus 
sent for the generals of the Hellenes, and told them that the 
advance was now to be upon Babylon, against the great king ; 
he bade them communicate this information to the soldiers and 
persuade them to follow. The generals called ai assembly, 
and announced the news to the soldiers. The latter were 
indignant and angry with the generals, accusing them of 
having kept secret what they had long known ; and refused to. 
go, unless such a bribe of money were given them as had been 
given to their predecessors, when they went up with Cyrus to the 
court of his father, not as now to fight a battle, but on a 
peaceful errand—the visit of a son to his father by invitation. 
The demand was reported to Cyrus by the generals, and he 
undertook to give each man five silver minae! as soon as 
Babylon was reached, and their pay in full, until he had 
safely conveyed them back to Ionia again. In this manner 
the Hellenic force were persuaded,—that is to say, the majority 
of them. Menon, indeed, before it was clear what the rest of 
the soldiers would do—whether, in fact, they would follow Cyrus 
or not—collected his own troops apart and made them the 
following speech: ‘ Men,” he said, “if you will listen to me, 
there is a method by which, without risk or toil, you may win 
the special favour of Cyrus beyond the rest of the soldiers. 
You ask what it is I would have you to do? I will tell you. 
Cyrus at this instant is begging the Hellenes to follow him to 
attack the king. I say then: Cross the Euphrates at once, 
before it is clear what answer the rest will make; if they vote 
in favour of following, you will get the credit of having set the 
example, and Cyrus will be grateful to you. He will look upon 
you as being the heartiest in his cause ; he will repay, as of all 
others he best knows how; while, if the rest vote against 
crossing, we shall all go back again ; but as the sole adherents, 
whose fidelity he can altogether trust, it is you whom Cyrus 
will turn to account, as commandants of garrisons or captains 
of companies. You need only ask him for whatever you want, 
and you will get it from him, as being the friends of Cyrus.” 
The men heard and obeyed, and before the rest had given 


IV f20' Olsemone mina ame meeay 


July seeAee ca” °3} PASSAGE OF EUPHRATES 17 
their answer, they were already across. But when Cyrus 
perceived that Menon’s troops had crossed, he was well 
pleased, and he sent Glus to the division in question, with this 
message : “Soldiers, accept my thanks at present ; eventually 
you shall thank me. I will see to that, or my name is not 
Cyrus.” The soldiers therefore could not but pray heartily 
for his success; so high their hopes ran. But to Menon, 
it was said, he sent gifts with lordly liberality. This done, 
Cyrus proceeded to cross; and in his wake followed the 
rest of the armament to a man. As they forded, never a 
man was wetted above the chest: nor ever until this moment, 
said the men of Thapsacus, had the river been so crossed 
on foot, boats had always been required; but these, at the 
present time, Abrocomas, in his desire to hinder Cyrus from 
crossing, had been at pains to burn. Thus the passage was 
looked upon as a thing miraculous ; the river had manifestly 
retired before the face of Cyrus, like a courtier bowing to his 
future king. From this place he continued his march through 
Syria nine stages—fifty parasangs—and they reached the river 
Araxes. Here were several villages full of corn and wine; in 
which they halted three days, and provisioned the army. 
vy.—Thence he marched on through Arabia, keeping the 
Euphrates on the right, five desert stages—thirty-five parasangs. 
In this region the ground was one long level plain, stretching 
far and wide like the sea, full of absinth ; whilst all the other 
vegetation, whether wood or reed, was sweet scented like spice 
or sweet herb; there were no trees; but there was wild game 
of all kinds—wild asses in greatest abundance, with plenty 
of ostriches; besides these, there were bustards and 
antelopes. These creatures were occasionally chased by the 
cavalry. The asses, when pursued, would run forward a space, 
and then stand still—their pace being much swifter than that 
of horses; and as soon as the horses came close, they went 
through the same performance. The only way to catch them 
was for the riders to post themselves at intervals, and to hunt them 
in relays, as it were. The flesh of those they captured was 
not unlike venison, only more tender. No one was lucky 
enough to capture an ostrich. Some of the troopers did give 


chase, but it had soon to be abandoned ; for the bird, in its 
C 


18 ANABASIS—BK. I. Avda eae 
effort to escape, speedily put a long interval between itself and 
its pursuers ; plying its legs at full speed, and using its wings 
the while like a sail. The bustards were not so hard to catch 
when started suddenly ; for they take only short flights, like 
partridges, and are soon tired. Their flesh is delicious. 

As the army wended its way through this region, they 
reached the river Mascas, which is one hundred feet in 
breadth. Here stood a big deserted city called Corsote, 
almost literally environed by the stream, which flows round 
it in a circle. Here they halted three days and provisioned 
themselves. Hence they continued their march thirteen 
desert stages—ninety parasangs—with the Euphrates still on 
their right, until they reached the Gates. On these marches 
several of the baggage animals perished of hunger, for there 
was neither grass nor green herb, or tree of any sort; but the 
country throughout was barren. The inhabitants make their 
living by quarrying millstones on the river banks, which they 
work up and take to Babylon and sell, purchasing corn in ex- 
change for their goods. Corn failed the army, and was not to 
be got for money, except in the Lydian market open in Cyrus’s 
Asiatic army; where a kapithe of wheat or barley cost four 
shekels ;! the shekel being equal to seven and a half Attic 
obols, whilst the kapithe is the equivalent of two Attic choenices,” 
dry measure, so that the soldiers subsisted on meat alone for 
the whole period. Some of the stages were very long, when- 
ever they had to push on to find water or fodder ; and once 
they found themselves involved in a narrow way, where the 
deep clay presented an obstacle to the progress of the wagons. 
Cyrus, with the nobles about him, halted to superintend the 
operation, and ordered Glus and Pigres to take a body of 
barbarians and to help in extricating the wagons. As they 
seemed to be slow about the business, he turned round 
angrily to the Persian nobles and bade them lend a hand to 
force the wagons out. Then, if ever, what goes to constitute 
one branch of good discipline, was to be witnessed. Each of 

1 3s. 8d. nearly ; x alyNos (or ‘‘shekel’’)=74 obols. 1 obol=about 14d. 
? The choenix = about 1 quart (or, according to others, 1} pint). It 
was the minimum allowance of corn for a man, say a slave, per diem, The 


Spartan was allowed at the public table 2 choenices a day. See Herod. VI. 
lvii, 3; and Arnold’s note to Thue, iv. 6, 


Aue vcs? } DISPUTE BETWEEN THE SOLDIERS 19 


those addressed, just where he chanced to be standing, threw 
off his purple cloak, and flung himself into the work with as 
much eagerness as if it had been a charge for victory. Down 
a steep hill side they flew, with their costly tunics and em- 
broidered trousers,—some with the circlets round their necks, 
and bracelets on their arms—in an instant, they had sprung 
into the miry clay, and in less time than one could have con- 
ceived, they had landed the wagons safe on terra firma. 

Altogether it was plain that Cyrus was bent on press- 
ing on the march, and averse to stoppages, except where he 
halted for the sake of provisioning or some other neces- 
sary object; being convinced that the more rapidly he ad- 
vanced, the less prepared for battle would he find the king ; 
while the slower his own progress, the larger would be the 
hostile army which he would find collected. Indeed, the 
attentive observer could see, at a glance, that if the king’s 
empire was strong in its extent of territory and the number of 
inhabitants, that strength is compensated by an inherent 
weakness, dependent upon the length of roads and the inevit- 
able dispersion of defensive forces, where an invader insists 
upon pressing home the war by forced marches. 

On the opposite side of the Euphrates to the point reached 
on one of these desert stages, was a large and flourishing city 
named Charmande. From this town the soldiers made pur- 
chases of provisions, crossing the river on rafts, in the following 
fashion : They took the skins which they used as tent cover- 
ings, and filled them with light grass ; they then compressed 
and stitched them tightly together by the ends, so that the 
water might not touch the hay. On these they crossed and 
got provisions: wine made from the date-nut, and millet or 
panic-corn, the common staple of the country. Some dis- 
pute or other here occurred between the soldiers of Menon 
and Clearchus, in which Clearchus sentenced one of Menon’s 
men, as the delinquent, and had him flogged. ‘The man went 
back to his own division and told them. Hearing what had 
been done to their comrade, his fellows fretted and fumed, 
and were highly incensed against Clearchus. The same day 
Clearchus visited the passage of the river, and after inspecting 
the market there, was returning with a few followers, on 


CH. V. § 12-CH. VI. § 1 


20 ANABASIS—BK., I. fies Gora eee 


horseback, to his tent, and had to pass through Menon’s 
quarters. Cyrus had not yet come up, but was riding up 
in the same direction. One of Menon’s men, who was 
splitting wood, caught sight of Clearchus as he rode past, 
and aimed a blow at him with his axe. The aim took no 
effect ; when another hurled a stone at him, and a third, and 
then several, with shouts and hisses. Clearchus made a rapid 
retreat to his own troops, and at once ordered them to get 
under arms. He bade his hoplites remain in position with 
their shields resting against their knees, while he, at the head 
of his Thracians and horsemen, of which he had more than forty 
in his army—Thracians for the most part—advanced against 
Menon’s soldiers, so that the latter, with Menon himself, 
were panicstricken, and ran to seize their arms; some even 
stood riveted to the spot, in perplexity at the occurrence. 
Just then Proxenus came up from behind, as chance would 
have it, with his division of hoplites, and without a moment’s 
hesitation marched into the open space between the rival 
parties, and grounded arms ; then he fell to begging Clearchus 
to desist. The latter was not too well pleased to hear his trouble 
mildly spoken of, when he had barely escaped being stoned to 
death ; and he bade Proxenus retire and leave the intervening 
space open. At this juncture Cyrus arrived and inquired 
what was happening. There was no time for hesitation. 
With his javelins firmly grasped in his hands he galloped up, 
—escorted by some of his faithful bodyguard, who were pre- 
sent—and was soon in the midst, exclaiming: “ Clearchus, 
Proxenus, and you other Hellenes yonder, you know not what 
you do. As surely as youcome to blows with one anothex, our 
fate is sealed—this very day I shall be cut to pieces, and so 
will you: your turn will follow close on mine. Let our 
fortunes once take an evil turn, and these barbarians whom 
you see around will be worse foes to us than those who are at 
present serving with the king.” At these words Clearchus 
came to his senses. Both parties paused from battle, and 
retired to their quarters: order reigned. 

vi.—As they advanced from this point (opposite Char- 
mande), they came upon the hoof-prints and dung of horses at 
frequent intervals. It looked like the trail of some two thousand 


en TRIAL OF ORONTAS ee 


horses. Keeping ahead of the army, these fellows burnt up the 
grass and everything else that was good for use. Now there 
was a Persian, named Orontas ; he was closely related to the 
king by birth: and in matters pertaining to war reckoned among 
the best of Persian warriors. Having formerly been at war with 
Cyrus, and afterwards reconciled to him, he now made a con- 
spiracy to destroy him. He made a proposal to Cyrus: if 
Cyrus would furnish him with a thousand horsemen, he would 
deal with these troopers, who were burning down everything in 
front of them; he would lay an ambuscade and cut them 
down, or he would capture a host of them alive; in any case, 
he would put a stop to their aggressiveness and burnings; he 
would see to it that they did not ever get a chance of setting 
eyes on Cyrus’s army and reporting its advent to the king. 
The proposal seemed plausible to Cyrus, who accordingly 
authorised Orontas to take a detachment from each of the 
generals, and be gone. He, thinking that he had got his horse- 
men ready to his hand, wrote a letter to the king, announcing 
that he would ere long join him with as many troopers as he 
could bring ; he bade him, at the same time, instruct the royal 
cavalry to welcome him on arrival as a friend. The letter further 
contained certain reminders of his former friendship and fidelity. 
This despatch he delivered into the hands of one who was a 
trusty messenger, as he thought; but the bearer took and 
gave it to Cyrus. Cyrus read it. Orontas was arrested. Then 
Cyrus summoned to his tent seven of the noblest Persians 
among his personal attendants, and sent orders to the Hellenic 
generals to bring up a body of hoplites. These troops were 
to take up a position round his tent. This the generals 
did; bringing up about three thousand hoplites. Clearchus 
was also invited inside, to assist at the court-martial; a com- 
pliment due to the position he held among the other generals, 
in the opinion not only of Cyrus, but also of the rest of the 
court. When he came out, he reported the circumstances of 
the trial (as to which, indeed, there was no mystery) to his 
friends. He said that Cyrus opened the inquiry with these 
words: ‘I have invited you hither, my friends, that I may take 
adyice with you, and carry out whatever, in the sight of God 
and man, it is right for me to do, as concerning the man before 


22 ANABASIS—BK. I. MO ee 
you, Orontas. The prisoner was, in the first instance, given 
to me by my father, to be my faithful subject. In the next 
place, acting, to use his own words, under the orders of my 
brother, and having hold of the acropolis of Sardis, he went 
to war with me. J met war with war, and forced him to think 
it more prudent to desist from war with me: whereupon we 
shook hands, exchanging solemn pledges. After that,” and at 
this point Cyrus turned to Orontas, and addressed him person- 
ally,—‘“‘after that, did I do you any wrong?” Answer, ‘‘ Never.” 
Again, another question: ‘‘ Then later on, having received, as 
you admit, no injury from me, did you revolt to the Mysians 
and injure my territory, as far as in you lay ?”—“I did,” was 
the reply. ‘‘ Then, once more having discovered the limits of 
your power, did you flee to the altar of Artemis, crying out 
that you repented ? and did you thus work upon my feelings, 
that we a second time shook hands and made interchange of 
solemn pledges? Are these things so?” Orontas again 
assented. ‘‘Then what injury have you received from me,” 
Cyrus asked, ‘that now for the third time, you have been 
detected in a treasonous plot against me ?”—‘ No injury,” 
Orontas replied. And Cyrus asked once more: ‘‘ You plead 
guilty to having sinned against me ?”—‘‘ I must needs do so,” 
he answered. ‘Then Cyrus put one more question: ‘ But the 
day may come, may it not, when you will once again be hostile 
to my brother, and a faithful friend to myself?” The other 
answered: ‘Even if I were, you could never be brought to 
believe it, Cyrus.” 

At this point Cyrus turned to those who were present 
and said: ‘‘Such has been the conduct of the prisoner in the 
past: such is his language now. I now call upon you, and you 
first, Clearchus, to declare your opinion—what think you ?” 
And Clearchus answered: “ My advice to you is to put this 
man out of the way as soon as may be, so that we may be 
saved the necessity of watching him,! and have more leisure, as 
far as he is concerned, to requite the services of those whose 
friendship is sincere.”—‘“ To this opinion,” he told us, “the 
rest of the court adhered.” After that, at the bidding of Cyrus, 


l pvddrrecGat, z7.c. ‘‘need not to guard against him,” ‘‘ watch his move- 
ments.” 


Ane nee, 44) = MIDNIGHT REVIEW 23 
each of those present, in turn, including the kinsmen of 
Orontas, rose and took him by the girdle ; which is as much as to 
say, “‘ Let him die the death,” and then those appointed led him 
out ; and they who in old days were wont to do obeisance to 
him, could not refrain, even at that moment, from bowing 
down before him, albeit they knew he was being led forth to 
death. 

After they had conducted him to the tent of Artapates, 
the trustiest of Cyrus’s wand-bearers, none set eyes upon him 
ever again, alive or dead. No one, of his own knowledge, 
could declare the manner of his death; though some con- 
jectured one thing and some another. No tomb to mark his 
resting-place, either then or since, was ever seen. 

vi1.—From this place Cyrus marched through Babylonia 
three stages—twelve parasangs. Now, on the third stage, about 
midnight, Cyrus held a review of the Hellenes and Asiatics in 
the plain, expecting that the king would arrive the following day 
with his army to offer battle. He gave orders to Clearchus 
to take command of the right wing, and to Menon the 
Thessalian of the left, while he himself undertook the 
disposition of his own forces in person. After the review, 
with the first approach of day, deserters from the great king 
arrived, bringing Cyrus information about the royal army. 
Then Cyrus summoned the generals and captains of the 
Hellenes, and held a council of war to arrange the plan of 
battle. He took this opportunity also to address the follow- 
ing words of compliment and encouragement to the meeting : 
“Men of Hellas,” he said, “it is certainly not from dearth 
of barbarians to fight my battles that I put myself at your 
head as my allies; but because I hold you to be better and 
stronger than many barbarians. That is why I took you. 
See then that you prove yourselves to be men worthy 
of the liberty which you possess, and which I envy you. 
Liberty—it is a thing which, be well assured, I would choose 
in preference to all my other possessions, multiplied many 
times. But I would like you to know into what sort of 
struggle you are going: learn its nature from one who knows. 
Their numbers are great, and they come on with much noise ; 
but if you can hold out against these two things, I confess I 


24 ANABASIS—BK. I. ee he 
am ashamed to think, what a sorry set of folk you will find the 
inhabitants of this land to be. But you are men, and brave 
you must be, being men:! it is agreed; then if you wish to 
return home, any of you, I undertake to send you back, in 
such sort that your friends at home shall envy you; but I 
flatter myself I shall persuade many of you to accept what I 
will offer you here, in lieu of what you left at home.” 

Here Gaulites,? a Samian exile, and a trusty friend of 
Cyrus, being present, exclaimed: “Ay, Cyrus, but some say 
you can afford to make large promises now, because you are 
in the crisis of impending danger; but let matters go well with 
you, will you recollect? They shake their heads. Indeed, some 
add that, even if you did recollect, and were ever so willing, 
you would not be able to make good all your promises, and 
repay.” When Cyrus heard that, he answered : “ You forget, 
sirs, my father’s empire stretches southwards to a region where 
men cannot dwell by reason of the heat, and northwards to a 
region uninhabitable through cold; but all the intervening 
space is mapped out in satrapies belonging to my brother’s 
friends : so that if the victory be ours, it will be ours also to 
put our friends in possession in their room. On the whole my 
fear is, not that I may not have enough to give to each of 
my friends, but lest I may not have friends enough on whom 
to bestow what I have to give, and to each of you Hellenes 
I will give a crown of gold.” 

So they, when they heard these words, were more elated 
than ever themselves, and spread the good news among the rest 
outside. And there came into his presence both the generals 
and some of the other Hellenes also, claiming to know what 
they should have in the event of victory; and Cyrus satisfied 
the expectation of each and all, and so dismissed them. Now 
the advice and admonition of all who came into conversation 
with him was, not to enter the battle himself, but to post him- 
self in rear of themselves; and at this season Clearchus put 

1 Reading with Sauppe, tudy 5é dvdp&v dyrwy Kal ebrd\uwv yevouévwn, 
eya K.T.A. : or, reading with Hug [tudv dé avdpdv dvTwv], kal eb r&v éucy 


yevouevew, éyw k.T.»., translate ‘‘{but you are men], and if my affairs turn 
out well, I,’’ etc. 


2 For a namesake of this man, a Carian, speaking both Greek and Persian, 
see Thuc. vill. 85, unless, indeed, they are the same person. 


Be ey NUMBERS ON EITHER SIDE 28 


a question to him: “ But do you think that your brother will 
give battle to you, Cyrus?” and Cyrus answered: “ Not 
without a battle, be assured, shall the prize be won; if he be 
the son of Darius and Parysatis, and a brother of mine.” 

In the final arming for battle at this juncture, the numbers 
were as follows: Of Hellenes there were ten thousand four 
hundred heavy infantry! with two thousand five hundred 
targeteers, while the barbarians with Cyrus reached a total of one 
hundred thousand, He had too about twenty scythe-chariots. 
The enemy’s forces were reported to number one million two 
hundred thousand, with two hundred scythe-chariots, besides 
which he had six thousand cavalry under Artagerses. These 
formed the immediate vanguard of the king himself. The 
royal army was marshalled by four generals or field-marshals, 
each in command of three hundred thousand men. Their 
names were Abrocomas, Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbaces. 
(But of this total not more than nine hundred thousand were 
engaged in the battle, with one hundred and fifty scythe- 
chariots ; since Abrocomas, on his march from Phoenicia, 
arrived five days too late for the battle.) Such was the in- 
formation brought to Cyrus by deserters who came in from 
the king’s army before the battle, and it was corroborated after 
the battle by those of the enemy who were taken prisoners. 

From this place Cyrus advanced one stage—three parasangs 
—with the whole body of his troops, Hellenic and barbarian 
alike in order of battle. He expected the king to give battle 
the same day, for in the middle of this day’s march a deep 
sunk trench was reached, thirty feet broad, and eighteen feet 
deep. The trench was carried inland through the plain, 
twelve parasangs’ distance, to the wall of Media? [Here 
are canals, flowing from the river Tigris; they are four in 
number, each a hundred feet broad, and very deep, with corn 


1 Lit. ‘‘the shield,” z.e. shield-force (4o7is) numbered ten thousand four 
hundred, as we speak of ‘‘horse,”’ ‘‘guns,’’ etc. ; for the numbers see above, 
p. 5, note 7; also for hoplites (shields) and peltasts (targeteers) p. 82, note 1. 

2 For ‘‘the wall of Media”’ see Grote, Hzst. of Greece, vol. ix. p. 87 and 
foll. note x (1st ed.), and various authorities there quoted or referred to (see 
below, p. 52, note 1, and p. 87, note 1). Thenext passage enclosedin[ ] 
may possibly be a commentator’s or editor’s note, but, on the whole, I have 
thought it best to keep the words in the text instead of relegating them, as here- 
tofore, toa note, Perhaps some future traveller may clear up all difficulties. 


26 ANABASIS—=8K.1, {9G ae 
ships plying upon them; they empty themselves into the 
Euphrates, and are at intervals of one parasang apart, and are 
spanned by bridges. | 

Between the Euphrates and the trench was a narrow 
passage, twenty feet only in breadth. The trench itself had 
been constructed by the great king upon hearing of Cyrus’s 
approach, to serve as a line of defence. Through this narrow 
passage then Cyrus and his army passed, and found themselves 
safe inside the trench. So there was no battle to be fought 
with the king that day ; only there were numerous unmistak- 
able traces of horse and infantry in retreat. Here Cyrus sum- 
moned Silanus, his Ambraciot soothsayer, and presented him 
with three thousand darics ;1 because eleven days back, when 
sacrificing, he had told him that the king would not fight within 
ten days, and Cyrus had answered: ‘“‘ Well, then, if he does not 
fight within that time, he will not fight at all; and if your pro- 
phecy comes true, I promise you ten talents.” So now, that the 
ten days were passed, he presented him with the above sum. 

But as the king had failed to hinder the passage of Cyrus’s 
army at the trench, Cyrus himself and the rest concluded that 
he must have abandoned the idea of offering battle, so that 
next day Cyrus advanced with less than his former caution. 
On the third day he was conducting the march, seated in his 
carriage, with only a small body of troops drawn up in front of 
him. The mass of the army was moving on in no kind of 
order: the soldiers having consigned their heavy arms to be 
carried in the wagons or on the backs of beasts. 

vill.—It was already about full market * time? and 
the halting-place at which the army was to take up quarters 
was nearly reached, when Pategyas, a Persian, a_ trusty 
member of Cyrus’s personal staff, came galloping up at full 
speed on his horse, which was bathed in sweat, and to every 
one he met he shouted in Greek and Persian, as fast as he 


1 The daric would now be worth about £1 : 2 : 24 (see above, p. 13, note 2), 
but it is to be noted that ‘‘ Cyrus pays a bet of ro Attic talents (60,000 
drachmas) with 3000 darics, which shows that the daric was then worth 20 
drachmas, or only about 13s. 4d. The difference in these two results comes 
from the change in the proportional values of gold and silver. In antiquity 
(at this date) the proportion was about 10:1; now it is more than 16:1.” 
See Goodwin and White, Anad., ad loc. 2 Z.e. between 9 and 10 A.M. 


a aed ADVANCE OF THE ENEMY 27 
could ejaculate the words: “ The king is advancing. with a 
large army ready for battle.” Then ensued a scene of wild 
confusion. The Hellenes and all alike were expecting to be 
attacked on the instant, and before they could form their lines. 
Cyrus sprang from his carriage and donned his corselet ; then 
leaping on to his charger’s back, with the javelins firmly 
clutched, he passed the order to the rest, to arm themselves 
and fall into their several ranks. 

The orders were carried out with alacrity ; the ranks shaped 
themselves. Clearchus held the right of the wing resting on 
the Euphrates, Proxenus was next, and after him the rest, 
while Menon with his troops held the Hellenic left. Of the 
Asiatics, a body of Paphlagonian cavalry, one thousand strong, 
were posted beside Clearchus on the right, and with them stood 
the Hellenic peltasts. On the left was Ariaeus, Cyrus’s second 
in command, and the rest of the barbarian host. Cyrus was 
with his bodyguard of cavalry about six hundred strong, all 
armed with corselets like Cyrus, and cuisses and helmets ; 
but not so Cyrus: he went into battle with head unhelmeted.! 
So too all the horses with Cyrus wore forehead-pieces and 
breast-pieces, and the troopers carried short Hellenic swords. 

It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight ; 
but with the approach of afternoon was seen dust like a 
white cloud, and after a considerable interval a black pall as 
it were spread far and high over the plain. As they came 
nearer, very soon was seen here and there a glint of bronze and 
spear-points; and the ranks could plainly be distinguished. 
On the left were troopers wearing white cuirasses. That is 
Tissaphernes in command,’ they said, and next to these a body 
of men bearing wicker-shields, and next again heavy-armed 
infantry, with long wooden shields reaching to the feet. These 
were the Egyptians, they said, and then other cavalry, other bow- 
men ; all were in national divisions, each nation marching in 


1 The MSS. add, ‘‘ to expose oneself to the risks of war bareheaded is, it 
is said, a practice common to the Persians,” which I regard as a com- 
mentator’s note, if not an original marginal note of some early editor, pos- 
sibly of the author,himself. The Cyropaedeca is full of such comments, pzeces 
justificatives inserted into the text. 

2 Or, ‘‘Tissaphernes was in command, it was said’’ (see below, p. 29, 
note 2). 


i : -16 
28 ANABASIS—BK. I. Sue eee 


densely-crowded squares. And all along their front was a line 
of chariots at considerable intervals from one another,—the 
famous scythe-chariots, as they were named,—having their 
scythes fitted to the axle-trees and stretching out slantwise, 
while others protruded under the chariot-seats, facing the 
ground, so as to cut through all they encountered. Tune design 
was to let them dash full speed into the ranks of the Hellenes 
and cut them through. 

Curiously enough the anticipation of Cyrus, when at the 
council of war he admonished the Hellenes not to mind the 
shouting of the Asiatics, was not justified. Instead of shouting, 
they came on in deep silence, softly and slowly, with even tread. 
At this instant, Cyrus, riding past in person, accompanied by 
Pigres, his interpreter, and three or four others, called aloud to 
Clearchus to advance against the enemy’s centre, for there the 
king was to be found: “And if we strike home at this point,” 
he added, “our work is finished.” Clearchus, though he could 
see the compact body at the centre, and had been told by 
Cyrus that the king lay outside the Hellenic left (for, owing to 
numerical superiority, the king, while holding his own centre, 
could well overlap Cyrus’s extreme left), still hesitated to draw 
off his right wing from the river, for fear of being turned on 
both flanks; and he simply replied, assuring Cyrus that he 
would take care all went well. 

At this time the barbarian army was evenly advancing, and 
the Hellenic division was still riveted to the spot, completing 
its formation as the various contingents came up. Cyrus, 
riding past at some distance from the lines, glanced his eye 
first in one direction and then in the other, so as to take a 
complete survey of friends and foes; when Xenophon the 
Athenian, seeing him, rode up from the Hellenic quarter to 
meet him, asking whether he had any orders to give. Cyrus, 
pulling up his horse, begged him to make the announcement 
generally known that the omens from the victims, internal and 
external alike, were good.t_ While he was still speaking, he heard 


1 Tit. ‘‘that the iepd, were good, and the ogdria were good,” i.e. the 
omens from inspecting the inwards of the victims, and the omens from the acts 
and movements of the victims. See Goodwin and White, ad loc. ; also Sturz, 
Lex, Xen. sub verbo, ra tepd. 


CH. vill. § et 


Sept. 3 THE BATTLE OF CUNAXA 29 


a confused murmur passing through the ranks, and asked what 
it meant. The other replied that it was the watchword being 
passed down for the second time. Cyrus wondered who had 
given the order, and asked what the watchword was. On being 
told it was “Zeus our Saviour and Victory,” he replied, “I 
accept it; so let it be,” and with that remark rode away to 
his own position. And now the two battle lines were no more 
than three or four furlongs apart, when the Hellenes began 
chanting the paean, and at the same time advanced against 
the enemy. 

But with the forward movement a certain portion of the line 
curved onwards in advance, with wave-like sinuosity,! and the 
portion left behind quickened to a run; and simultaneously a 
thrilling cry burst from all lips, like that in honour of the war- 
god—eleleu ! eleleu! and the running became general. Some 
say they clashed their shields and spears, thereby causing 
terror to the horses ;? and before they had got within arrowshot 
the barbarians swerved and took to flight. And now the Hel- 
lenes gave chase with might and main, checked only by shouts 
to one another not to race, but to keep their ranks. The 
enemy’s chariots, reft of their charioteers, swept onwards, some 
through the enemy themselves, others past the Hellenes. 
They, as they saw them coming, opened a gap and let them 
pass. One fellow, like some dumbfoundered mortal on a race- 
course, was caught by the heels,? but even he, they said, 
received no hurt; nor indeed, with the single exception of 
some one on the left wing who was said to have been wounded 
by an arrow, did any Hellene in this battle suffer a single 
hurt. 

Cyrus, seeing the Hellenes conquering, as far as they at 
any rate were concerned, and in hot pursuit, was well content ; 
but in spite of his joy and the salutations offered him at that 


1 Or, ‘‘ billowed out.’"” See Goldsmith, Essay xvi., on ‘‘ Metaphor,’’ who 
translates the word éfexvmauve, ‘‘ part of the phalanx fluctuated on the march." 

2 Some critics regard this sentence as an editor’s or commentator’s note. 
Cobet omits it. Hug encloses the words in brackets. See also Mure’s Hist. 
of Gr. Lit. vol. v. p. 368; History of Classical Gk. Lit. (Mahaffy), vol. ii. x. 
263. 1st ed. 1880. 

3 Or, ‘‘one fellow, indeed, was caught, while he gazed about him in blank 
astonishment, as if he had been on a racecourse.” 


30 ANABASIS—BK. I. Kaiba cane 
moment by those about him, as though he were already king, 
he was not led away to join in the pursuit, but keeping his 
squadron of six hundred horsemen in close order, waited and 
watched to see what the king himself would do. The king, 
he knew, held the centre of the Persian army. Indeed it is 
the fashion for the Asiatic monarch to occupy tha. position 
during action, for this twofold reason: he holds the safest 
place, with his troops on either side of him, while, if he 
has occasion to despatch any necessary order along the lines, 
his troops will receive the message in half the time. The king 
accordingly on this occasion held the centre of his army, but 
for all that, he was outside Cyrus’s left wing ; and seeing that 
no one offered him battle in front, nor yet the troops in front 
of him, he wheeled as if to encircle the enemy. It was then 
that Cyrus, in apprehension lest the king might get round to the 
rear and cut to pieces the Hellenic body, charged to meet him. 
Attacking with his six hundred, he mastered the line of troops 
in front of the king, and put to flight the six thousand, cutting 
down, as is said, with his own hand their general, Artagerses. 
But as soon as the rout commenced, Cyrus’s own six hundred 
themselves, in the ardour of pursuit, were scattered, with the ex- 
ception of a handful who were left with Cyrus himself—chiefly 
his table companions, so-called. Left alone with these, he 
caught sight of the king and the close throng about him. 
Unable longer to contain himself, with a cry, ‘‘ I see the man,” 
he rushed at him and dealt a blow at his chest, wounding 
him through the corselet. ‘This, according to the statement of 
Ctesias the surgeon,! who further states that he himself healed 
the wound. As Cyrus delivered the blow, some one struck him 
with a javelin under the eye severely; and in the struggle 
which then ensued between the king and Cyrus and those 
about them to protect one or other, we have the statement of 


1 ‘«Ctesias, the son of Ctesiochus, was a physician of Cnidos. Seventeen 
years of his life were passed at the court of Persia, fourteen in the service of 
Darius, three in that of Artaxerxes ; he returned to Greece in 398 B.c.,’’ and 
‘‘was employed by Artaxerxes in diplomatic services.’’ See Mure, of. cit. 
iv. xvi. § 2; also Ch. Miiller, af. Dzdot, for his life and works. He wrote (1) 
a history of Persian affairs in three parts—Assyrian, Median, Persian—with a 
chapter ‘‘On Tributes ;" (2) a history of Indian affairs (written in the vein of 
Sir John Maundevile, Kt.) ; (3) a Periplus ; (4) a treatise on Mountains ; (s) 
a treatise on Rivers. 


eet CYRUS IS SLAIN 31 


Ctesias as to the number slain on the king’s side, for he was 
by his side. On the other, Cyrus himself fell, and eight of his 
bravest companions lay on the top of him. The story says 
that Artapates, the trustiest esquire among his wand-bearers, 
when he saw that Cyrus had fallen to the ground, leapt from 
his horse and threw his arms about him. ‘Then, as one 
account says, the king bade one slay him as a worthy victim 
to his brother: others say that Artapates drew his scimitar and 
slew himself by his own hand. A golden scimitar it is true, he 
had ; he wore also a collar and bracelets and the other orna- 
ments such as the noblest Persians wear; for his kindliness 
and fidelity had won him honours at the hands of Cyrus. 
1x.—So died Cyrus ; a man the kingliest ! and most worthy 
to rule of all the Persians who have lived since the elder 
Cyrus: according to the concurrent testimony of all who are 
reputed to have known him intimately. To begin from the 
beginning, when still a boy, and whilst being brought up with 
his brother and the other lads, his unrivalled excellence was 
recognised, For the sons of the noblest Persians, it must be 
known, are brought up, one and all, at the king’s portals. Here 
lessons of sobriety and self-control? may largely be laid to heart, 
while there is nothing base or ugly for eye or ear to feed upon. 
There is the daily spectacle ever before the boys of some 
receiving honour from the king, and again of others receiving 
dishonour ; and the tale of all this is in their ears, so that from 
earliest boyhood they learn how to rule and to be ruled. 

In this courtly training Cyrus earned a double reputation ; 
first he was held to be a paragon of modesty among his fel- 
lows, rendering an obedience to his elders which exceeded that 
of many of his own inferiors ; and next he bore away the palm 
for skill in horsemanship and for love of the animal itself. Nor 
less in matters of war, in the use of the bow and the javelin, 

1 Cf. Xen. Oecon. iv. 16. The character now to be drawn is afterwards 
elaborated into the Cyrus of the Cyropaedeia. 

2 Cf. Cyrop. I. ii. 8. The Persian boys are taught owppootyn. See Prof. 
Jowett’s Introd. to the Charmides of Plato. ‘‘ The subject of the Charmides 
is temperance, or swpoctvn, a peculiarly Greek notion, which may also be 
rendered moderation, modesty, discretion, wisdom, without completely ex- 


hausting by all these terms the various associations of the word.” And cf. 
Xen. A/em, III. ix. 4; also J. S. Mill, Déssertations and Discussions, vol. iii, 


328. 


32 ANABASIS—BK. I. eee 
was he held by men in general to be at once the aptest of 
learners and the most eager practiser. As soon as his age per- 
mitted, the same pre-eminence showed itself in his fondness 
for the chase, not without a certain appetite for perilous 
adventure in facing the wild beasts themselves. Once a bear 
made a furious rush at him,! and without wincing he grappled 
with her, and was pulled from his horse, receiving wounds the 
scars of which were visible through life; but in the end he 
slew the creature, nor did he forget him who first came to his 
aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of many. 

After he had been sent down by his father to be satrap of 
Lydia and Great Phrygia and Cappadocia, and had been 
appointed general of the forces, whose business it is to muster 
in the plain of the Castolus, nothing was more noticeable in 
his conduct than the importance which he attached to the 
faithful fulfilment of every treaty or compact or undertaking 
entered into with others. He would tell no lies to any 
one. Thus doubtless it was that he won the confidence 
alike of individuals and of the communities entrusted to his 
care; or in case of hostility, a treaty made with Cyrus was a 
guarantee sufficient to the combatant that he would suffer 
nothing contrary to its terms. Therefore, in the war with 
Tissaphernes, all the states of their own accord chose Cyrus 
in lieu of Tissaphernes, except only the men of Miletus, and 
these were only alienated through fear of him, because he 
refused to abandon their exiled citizens; and his deeds and 
words bore emphatic witness to his principle: even if they 
were weakened in number or in fortune, he would never aban- 
don those who had once become his friends. 

He made no secret of his endeavour to outdo his friends 
and his foes alike in reciprocity of conduct. The prayer has 
been attributed to him, “God grant I may live long enough to 
recompense my friends and requite my foes with a strong arm.” 
However this may be, no one, at least in our days, ever drew 
together so ardent a following of friends, eager to lay at his 
feet their money, their cities, their own lives and persons ; 
nor is it to be inferred from this that he suffered the malefactor 


1 Cf. Cyrop. I. iv. 8. The elder Cyrus, when a boy, kills not a bear but 
a boar, 


i eae CHARACTER OF CYRUS 33 
and the wrongdoer to laugh him to scorn; on the contrary, 
these he punished most unflinchingly. It was no rare sight 
to see on the well-trodden highways, men who had forfeited 
hand or foot or eye; the result being that throughout the 
satrapy of Cyrus any one, Hellene or barbarian, provided he 
were innocent, might fearlessly travel wherever he pleased, and 
take with him whatever he felt disposed. However, as all 
allowed, it was for the brave in war that he reserved especial 
honour. To take the first instance to hand, he had a war 
with the Pisidians and Mysians. Being himself at the head 
of an expedition into those territories, he could observe those 
who voluntarily encountered risks; these he made rulers of 
the territory which he subjectéd, and afterwards honoured them 
with other gifts. So that, if the good and brave were set on 
a pinnacle of fortune, cowards were recognised as their natural 
slaves ; and so it befel that Cyrus never had lack of volunteers 
in any service of danger, whenever it was expected that his 
eye would be upon them. 

So again, wherever he might discover any one ready to 
distinguish himself in the service of uprightness,! his delight 
was to make this man richer than those who seek for gain by 
unfair means. On the same principle, his own administration 
was in all respects uprightly conducted, and, in particular, he 
secured the services of an army worthy of the name. Generals, 
and subalterns alike, came to him from across the seas, not 
merely to make money, but because they saw that loyalty to 
Cyrus was a more profitable investment than so many pounds 
a month. Let any man whatsoever render him willing ser- 
vice, such enthusiasm was sure to win its reward. And so 
Cyrus could always command the service of the best assistants, 
it was said, whatever the work might be. 

Or if he saw any skilful and just steward who furnished 
well the country over which he ruled, and created revenues, 
so far from robbing him at any time, to him who had, he 
delighted to give more. So that toil was a pleasure, and 
gains were amassed with confidence, and least of all from 
Cyrus would a man conceal the amount of his possessions, 

1 The Greek word is dicacoc¥vn=justice or social uprightness (in N. T. 
‘‘righteousness."’) Cf. Xen. Mem. IV. vi. 5, 6. 
D 


34 ANABASIS—BK. I. dee eee 
seeing that he showed no jealousy of wealth openly avowed, 
but his endeavour was rather to turn to account the riches of 
those who kept them secret. Towards the friends he had 
made, whose kindliness he knew, or whose fitness as fellow- 
workers with himself, in aught which he might wish to carry 
out, he had tested, he showed himself in turn an adept in 
the arts of courtesy. Just in proportion as he felt the need 
of this friend or that to help him, so he tried to help each 
of them in return in whatever seemed to be their heart’s desire. 

Many were the gifts bestowed on him, for many and 
diverse reasons ; no one man, perhaps, ever received more ; no 
one, certainly, was ever more ready to bestow them on others, 
with an eye ever to the taste of each, so as to gratify what he 
saw to be the individual requirement. Many of these presents 
were sent to him to serve as personal adornments of the body 
or for battle ; and as touching these he would say, ‘‘ How am 
I to deck myself out in all these ? to my mind a man’s chief 
ornament is the adornment of nobly-adorned friends.” Indeed, 
that he should triumph over his friends in the great matters 
of welldoing is not surprising, seeing that he was much more 
powerful than they, but that he should go beyond them in 
minute attentions, and in an eager desire to give pleasure, 
seems to me, I must confess, more admirable. Frequently 
when he had tasted some specially excellent wine, he would send 
the half remaining flagon to some friend with a message to 
say: ‘‘ Cyrus says, this is the best wine he has tasted for a long 
time, that is his excuse for sending it to you. He hopes you 
will drink it up to-day with a choice party of friends.” Or, 
perhaps, he would send the remainder of a dish of geese, 
half loaves of bread, and so forth, the bearer being instructed 
to say: “This is Cyrus’s favourite dish, he hopes you will 
taste it yourself.”! Or, perhaps, there was a great dearth of pro- 
vender, when, through the number of his servants and his own 
careful forethought, he was enabled to get supplies for himself ; 
at such times he would send to his friends in different parts, 
bidding them feed their horses on his hay, since it would 
not do for the horses that carried his friends to go starving.? 


1 Or, ‘‘ Cyrus finds this viand excellent, he hopes.’’ 
2 Or, ‘‘to be mere skeletons.”’ 


pee fey PLUNDER OF CYRUS’S CAMP 35 
Then, on any long march or expedition, where the crowd of 
lookers-on would be large, he would call his friends to him and 
entertain them with serious talk, as much as to say, “These 
T delight to honour.” 

So that, for myself, and from all that I can hear, I should be 
disposed to say that no one, Greek or barbarian, was ever so 
beloved. In proof of this, I may cite the fact that, though 
Cyrus was the king’s vassal and slave, no one ever forsook him 
to join his master, if I may except the attempt of Orontas, 
which was abortive. That man, indeed, had to learn that 
Cyrus was closer to the heart of him on whose fidelity he 
relied than he himself was. On the other hand, many a 
man revolted from the king to Cyrus, after they went to 
war with one another; nor were these nobodies, but rather 
persons high in the king’s affection; yet for all that, they 
believed that their virtues would obtain a reward more ade- 
quate from Cyrus than from the king. Another great proof 
at once of his own worth and of his capacity rightly to dis- 
cern all loyal, loving, and firm friendship is afforded by an 
incident which belongs to the last moment of his life. He 
was slain, but fighting for his life beside him fell also every 
one of his faithful bodyguard of friends and table-companions, 
with the sole exception of Ariaeus,! who was in command of 
the cavalry on the left, and he no sooner perceived the fall of 
Cyrus than he betook himself to flight, with the whole body 
of troops under his lead. 

x.—Then the head of Cyrus and his right hand were 
severed from the body. But the king and those about him 
pursued and fell upon the Cyreian camp, and the troops of 
Ariaeus no longer stood their ground, but fled through their 
own camp back to the halting-place of the night before—a 
distance of four parasangs, it was said. So the king and those 
with him fell to ravaging right and left, and amongst other 
spoil he captured the Phocaean woman, who was a concubine 
of Cyrus, witty and beautiful, if fame speaks correctly. The 
Milesian, who was the younger, was also seized by some of 
the king’s men; but, letting go her outer garment, she made 
good her escape to the Hellenes, who had been left among 

1 Cf. Xen. Oecon. iv. 19. 


36 ANABASIS—BK. I. dea tie 
the camp followers on guard. These fell at once into line 
and put to the sword many of the pillagers, though they lost 
some men themselves ; they stuck to the place and succeeded 
in saving not only that lady, but all else, whether chattels or 
human beings, which lay within their reach, 

At this point the king and the Hellenes were something 
like three. miles! apart; the one set were pursuing their 
opponents just as if their conquest had been general; the 
others were pillaging as merrily as if their victory were already 
universal. But when the Hellenes learnt that the king 
and his troops were in the baggage camp; and the king, on 
his side, was informed by ‘Tissaphernes that the Hellenes 
were victorious in their quarter of the field, and had gone 
forward in pursuit, the effect was instantaneous. The king 
massed his troops and formed into line. Clearchus summoned 
Proxenus, who was next him, and debated whether to send 
a detachment or to go in a body to the camp to save it. 

Meanwhile the king was seen again advancing, as it 
seemed, from the rear; and the Hellenes, turning right about, 
prepared to receive his attack then and there. But, in- 
stead of advancing upon them at that point, he drew off, 
following the line by which he had passed earlier in the 
day, outside the left wing of his opponent, and so picked up 
in his passage those who had deserted to the Hellenes during 
the battle,? as also Tissaphernes and his division. The latter 
had not fled in the first shock of the encounter; he had 
charged parallel to the line of the Euphrates into the Greek 
peltasts, and through them. But charge as he might, he did 
not lay lowa single man. On the contrary, the Hellenes made 
a gap to let them through, hacking them with their swords and 
hurling their javelins as they passed. Episthenes of Amphipolis 
was in command of the peltasts, and he showed himself a 
sensible man, it was said. Thus it was that Tissaphernes, 
having got through haphazard, with rather the worst of it, 
failed to wheel round and return the way he came, but reaching 


1 Lit. ‘‘ about thirty stades”’; the ‘‘stade”’ = 606 ft. 9 in.; the furlong = 
660 ft, ; about 84 stades =1 mile. 

* Or lit. ‘‘those opposite to the Hellenes who had deserted during the 
battle.” 


hada VICTORY OF THE HELLENES 37 
the camp of the Hellenes, there fell in with the king; and falling 
into order again, the two divisions advanced side by side. 

When they were parallel with! the (original) left wing of 
the Hellenes, fear seized the latter lest they might take 
them in flank and enfold them on both sides and cut 
~them down. In this apprehension they determined to ex- 
tend their line and place the river on their rear. But while 
they deliberated, the king passed by and ranged his troops 
in line to meet them, in exactly the same position in which 
he had advanced to offer battle at the commencement of 
the engagement. The Hellenes, now seeing them in close 
proximity and in battle order, once again raised the paean and 
began the attack with still greater enthusiasm than before: 
and once again the barbarians did not wait to receive them, 
but took to flight, even at a greater distance than before. 
The Hellenes pressed the pursuit until they reached a certain 
village, where they halted, for above the village rose a mound, 
on which the king and his party rallied and reformed ; they 
had no infantry any longer, but the crest was crowded with 
cavalry, so that it was impossible to discover what was happen- 
ing. ‘They did see, they said, the royal standard, a kind of 
golden eagle, with wings extended, perched on a bar of wood 
and raised upon a lance.? 

But as soon as the Hellenes again moved onwards, the 
hostile cavalry at once left the hillock—not in a body any 
longer, but in fragments—some streaming from one side, some 
from another; and the crest was gradually stripped of its 
occupants, till at last the company was gone. Accordingly, 
Clearchus did not ascend the crest, but posting his army 
at its base, he sent Lycius of Syracuse and another to the 
summit, with orders to inspect the condition of things 
on the other side, and to report results. Lycius galloped 
up and reconnoitred, bringing back news that they were 
fleeing might and main. Almost at that instant the sun 

1 Lit. ‘in a line with,” or ‘‘ opposite.” 

2 Or, ‘‘with spread wings perched on the cusp of a lance.”’ So Suidas 
and Hesychius interpret 7é\77. Mr. Pretor translates ‘‘a golden eagle upon 
a shield (resting), with outstretched wings upon a staff.'’ Some critics, e.g. 
Cobet and Hug, regard the words ém £vNov (perched) ‘‘on a bar of wood,”’ as 
Spurious. 


38 ANABASIS—BK. IL ee ee 


sank beneath the horizon. There the Hellenes halted; they 
ordered arms and rested, marvelling the while that Cyrus was 
not anywhere to be seen, and that no messenger had come 
from him. For they were in complete ignorance of his death, 
and conjectured that either he had gone off in pursuit, or had 
pushed foward to occupy some point. Left to themselves, 
they now deliberated, whether they should stay where they 
were and have the baggage train brought up, or should return 
to camp. They resolved to return, and about supper time 
reached the tents. Such was the conclusion of this day. 

They found the larger portion of their property pillaged, 
eatables and drinkables alike, not excepting the wagons laden 
with corn and wine, which Cyrus had prepared in case of 
some extreme need overtaking the expedition, to divide among 
the Hellenes. There were four hundred of these wagons, it 
was said, and these had now been ransacked by the king and 
his men; so that the greater number of the Hellenes went 
supperless, having already gone without their breakfasts, since 
the king had appeared before the usual halt for breakfast. 
Accordingly, in no better plight than this they passed the 
night. 


Amap of part of BABYLONIA from actual survey 
shewing the sites of 
KUNAXA, THE MEDIAN WALL, AND SITTAKE 
and the suggested identifications for Opis &c. 


OPIS We 


= T 
44°30! 


Iae 
Artd gravelly plain 
“ Grassy 
Plain 
ome 33°30! 
SIPPARAH ? 
saklany,.4 Caney 
Medar 
o> 


OPIS (Rawlinson) 
 Mismat 


@) CTESIPHON 
\\ ® ITTAKE (Collingwood 


& Bewsher) 


ier 3 
d Mubaa ae : 
PG Shaishepar 3 
ek iS a ae (8 


|33° 
Syrian Desert t 
The route of the Ten Thousand in red ~ ~ 
Scales 
eo eee v3 2 +> English Miles 2 
(2 2 Sa 5 te : §Parasangs 
Corn mz OR some OMEON OC rask Stades 
< 
OO al 
Ancaet names 
thas...... COCHE 


Mounds, ruins... 
Mr sPe oo. 


ie 


BOO 1 waa, 


{In the previous book will be found a full account of the method by 
which Cyrus collected a body of Greeks when meditating an expedition 
against his brother Artaxerxes; as also of various occurrences on the march 
up; of the battle itself, and of the death of Cyrus ; and lastly, a description 
of the arrival of the Hellenes in camp after the battle, and as to how they 
betook themselves to rest, none suspecting but what they were altogether 
victorious and that Cyrus lived.] 


1.—With the break of day the generals met, and were 
surprised that Cyrus should not have appeared himself, or at 
any rate have sent some one to tell them what to do. Accord- 
ingly, they resolved to put what they had together, to get under 
arms, and to push forward until they effected junction with Cyrus. 
Just as they were on the point of starting, with the rising sun 
came Procles the ruler of Teuthrania. He was a descendant 
of Damaratus’ the Laconian, and with him also came Glus the _ 
son of Tamos. These two told them, first, that Cyrus was 
dead ; next, that Ariaeus had retreated with the rest of the 
barbarians to the halting-place whence they had started at dawn 
on the previous day ; and wished to inform them that, if they 
were minded to come, he would wait for this one day, but on 
the morrow he should return home again to Ionia, whence he 
came. 

When they heard these tidings, the generals were sorely 


1 The Spartan king who was deposed in B.C. 491, whereupon he fled to King 
Darius, and settled in south-western Mysia. See Herod. vi. 50, 61-70. We 
shall hear more of his descendant, Procles, the ruler of Teuthrania, in the last 
chapter of this work, see below, p. 239; also Hedi. III. i. 6. For Glus see 
above, p. 17; and for Tamos, p. 13. 


4o ANABASIS—BK. II. ae nee 
distressed ; so too were the rest of the Hellenes when they 
were informed of it. Then Clearchus spoke as follows: 
““Would that Cyrus were yet alive! But since he is dead, 
take back this answer to Ariaeus, that we, at any rate, have 
conquered the king; and, as you yourselves may see, there 
is not a man left in the field to meet us. Indeed, had you 
not arrived, we should ere this have begun our march 
upon the king. Now, we can promise to Ariaeus that, if he 
will join us here, we will place him on the king’s throne. 
Surely to those who conquer empire pertains.” With these 
words he sent back the messengers, and with them he sent 
Cheirisophus the Laconian, and Menon the Thessalian. That 
was what Menon himself wished, being, as he was, a friend 
and intimate of Ariaeus, and bound by mutual ties of hospitality. 
So these set off, and Clearchus waited for them. 

The soldiers furnished themselves with food [and drink] 
as best they might—falling back on the baggage animals, and 
cutting up oxen and asses. There was no lack of firewood ; 
they need only step forward a few paces from the line where 
the battle was fought, and they would find arrows to hand in 
abundance, which the Hellenes had forced the deserters 
from the king to throw away. There were arrows and 
wicker shields also, and the huge wooden shields of the 
Egyptians. ‘There were many targets also, and empty wagons 
left to be carried off. Here was a store which they were not 
slow to make use of to cook their meat and serve their meals 
that day. 

It was now about full market hour ' when heralds from the 
king and Tissaphernes arrived. These were barbarians with one 
exception. ‘This was a certain Phalinus, a Hellene who lived at 
the court of Tissaphernes, and was held in high esteem. He gave 
himself out to be a connoisseur of tactics and the art of fighting 
with heavy arms. These were the men who now came up, and 
having summoned the generals of the Hellenes, they delivered 
themselves of the following message: ‘‘ The great king having 
won the victory and slain Cyrus, bids the Hellenes to sur- 
render their arms; to betake themselves to the gates of the 
king’s palace, and there obtain for themselves what terms they 


1 10 A.M. See above, p. 26, note 2. 


CH. I. § 9-13 


Se ahaa HERALDS FROM THE KING 41 


can.” That was what the heralds said, and the Hellenes 
listened with heavy hearts; but Clearchus spoke, and his words 
were few: ‘Conquerors do not, as a rule, give up their 
arms”; then turning to the others he added, “I leave it 
to you, my fellow-generals, to make the best and noblest 
answer, that ye may,! to these gentlemen. I will rejoin you 
presently.” At the moment an official had summoned him 
to come and look at the entrails which had been taken out, for, 
as it chanced, he was engaged in sacrificing. As soon as he 
was gone, Cleanor the Arcadian, by right of seniority, answered: 
“They would sooner die than give up their arms.” Then Prox- 
enus the Theban said: “ For my part, I marvel if the king 
demands our arms as our master, or for the sake of friendship 
merely, as presents. If as our master, why need he ask for 
them rather than come and take them? But if he would fain 
wheedle us out of them by fine speeches, he should tell us what 
the soldiers will receive in return for such kindness.” In answer 
to him Phalinus said: “The king claims to have conquered, 
because he has put Cyrus to death; and who is there now to 
claim the kingdom as against himself? He further flatters him- 
self that you also are in his power, since he holds you in the 
heart of his country, hemmed in by impassable rivers ; and he 
can at any moment bring against you a multitude so vast that 
even if leave were given to rise and slay you could not kill them.” 
After him Theopompus? the Athenian spoke. ‘“‘ Phalinus,” he 
said, ‘‘at this instant, as you yourself can see, we have nothing 
left but our arms and our valour. If we keep the former we 
imagine we can make use of the latter; but if we deliver up 
our arms we shall presently be robbed of our lives, Do not 
suppose then that we are going to give up to you the only 
good things which we possess. We prefer to keep them; and 
by their help we will do battle with you for the good things 
which are yours.” Phalinus laughed when he heard those 


1 Or, ‘such fair answer as shall accord with your nobility.”’ 

2 So the best MSS. Others read ‘‘ Xenophon,” which Kriiger maintains 
to be the true reading. He suggests that 7eopompus may have crept into the 
text from a marginal note of a scholiast, “ 7eopompus’’ (the historian) ‘‘gzves 
the remark to Proxenus.’’ See Bacon, Advancement of Learning, I. vii. 30. 
See Charles D. Morris ‘‘ On the Age of Xenophon at the time of the Azadaszs,” 
in the Transactions of the American Philological Association, 1874, No. VII. 


ie ANABASIS—BK. IL. Neage eeee 
words, and said: “Spoken like a philosopher, my fine young 
man, and very pretty reasoning too; yet, let me tell you, your 
wits are somewhat scattered if you imagine that your valour will 
get the better of the king’s power.” There were one or two 
others, it was said, who with a touch of weakness in their tone 
or argument, made answer: “They had proved good and trusty 
friends to Cyrus, and the king might find them no less valu- 
able. If he liked to be friends with them, he might turn them 
to any use that pleased his fancy, say for a campaign against 
Egypt. Their arms were at his service; they would help to 
lay that country at his feet.” 

Just then Clearchus returned, and wished to know what 
answer they had given. The words were barely out of his 
mouth before Phalinus interrupting, answered: “As for your 
friends here, one says one thing and one another; will you 
please give us your opinion”; and he replied: “The sight of 
you, Phalinus, caused me much pleasure ; and not only me, but 
all of us, I feel sure; for you are a Hellene even as we are— 
every one of us whom you see before you. In our present 
plight we would like to take you into our counsel as to what 
we had better do touching your proposals. I beg you then 
solemnly, in the sight of heaven,—do you tender us such 
advice as you shall deem best and worthiest, and such as shall 
bring you honour in after time, when it will be said of you 
how once on a time Phalinus was sent by the great king to 
bid certain Hellenes yield up their arms, and when they had 
taken him into their counsel, he gave them such and such 
advice. You know that whatever advice you do give us cannot 
fail to be reported in Hellas.” 

Clearchus threw out these leading remarks in hopes that 
this man, who was the ambassador from the king, might him- 
self be led to advise them not to give up their arms, in which 
case the Hellenes would be still more sanguine and hopeful. 
But, contrary to his expectation, Phalinus turned round and 
said: “I say that if you have one chance, one hope in ten 
thousand to wage a war with the king successfully, do not give 
up your arms. ‘That is my advice. If, however, you have no 
chance of escape without the king’s consent, then I say save 
yourselves in the only way you can.” And Clearchus answered : 


CH. I. § 20-CH. ad 


§ 3; Sept. 4 DEBATE WITH PHALINUS 43 


“So, then, that is your deliberate view? Well, this is our 
answer, take it back. We conceive that in either case, whether 
we are expected to be friends with the king, we shall be worth 
more as friends if we keep our arms than if we yield them to 
another ; or whether we are to go to war, we shall fight better 
with them than without.” And Phalinus said: ‘That answer 
we will repeat ; but the king bade me tell you this besides, 
‘Whilst you remain here there is truce ; but one step forward 
or one step back, the truce ends; there is war.’ Will you 
then please inform us as to that point also? Are you minded 
to stop and keep truce, or is there to be war? What answer 
shall I take from you?” And Clearchus replied: ‘Pray 
answer that we hold precisely the same views on this point as 
the king.”——“ How say you the same views?” asked Phalinus. 
Clearchus made answer: “As long as we stay here there is 
truce, but a step forward or a step backward, the truce ends ; 
there is war.” The other again asked: ‘“ Peace or war, what 
answer shall I make?” Clearchus returned answer once again 
in the same words: ‘‘ Truce if we stop, but if we move forwards 
or backwards war.” But what he was minded really to do, 
that he refused to make further manifest. 

u.—Phalinus and those that were with him turned and 
went. But the messengers from Ariaeus, Procles, and Cheiri- 
sophus came back. As to Menon, he stayed behind with 
Ariaeus. They brought back this answer from Ariaeus: ‘‘‘There 
are many Persians,’ he says, ‘better than himself who will 
not suffer him to sit upon the king’s throne; but if you are 
minded to go back with him, you must join him this very night, 
otherwise he will set off himself to-morrow on the homeward 
route.” And Clearchus said: “It had best stand thus between 
us then. If we come, well and good, be it as you propose ; but 
if we do not come, do whatsoever you think most conducive 
to your interests.” And so he kept these also in the dark as 
to his real intention. 

After this, when the sun was already sinking, he summoned 
the generals and officers, and made the following statement : 
“Sirs, I sacrificed and found the victims unfavourable to an 
advance against the king. After all, it is not so surprising 
perhaps, for, as I now learn, between us and the king flows 


44 ANABASIS—BK. IL. ene ee 
the river Tigris, navigable for big vessels, and we could not 
possibly cross it without boats, and boats we have none. On 
the other hand, to stop here is out of the question, for there is 
no possibility of getting provisions. However, the victims 
were quite agreeable to our joining the friends of Cyrus. This 
is what we must do then. Let each go away 2nd sup on 
whatever he has. At the first sound of the bugle to turn in, 
get kit and baggage together ; at the second signal, place them 
on the baggage animals; and at the third, fall in and follow 
the lead, with the baggage animals on the inside protected by 
the river, and the troops outside.” After hearing the orders, 
the generals and officers retired and did as they were bid; 
and for the future Clearchus led, and the rest followed in 
obedience to his orders, not that they had expressly chosen 
him, but they saw that he alone had the sense and wisdom 
requisite in a general, while the rest were inexperienced.! 

Here, under cover of the darkness which descended, the 
Thracian Miltocythes, with forty horsemen and three hundred 
Thracian infantry, deserted to the king; but the rest of the 
troops—Clearchus leading and the rest following in accordance 
with the orders promulgated—took their departure, and about 
midnight reached their first stage, having come up with Ariaeus 
and his army. ‘They grounded arms just as they stood in 
rank, and the generals and officers of the Hellenes met in 
the tent of Ariaeus. There they exchanged oaths—the Hellenes 
on the one side and Ariaeus with his principal officers on the 
other—not to betray one another, but to be true to each other 
as allies. The Asiatics further solemnly pledged themselves 
by oath to lead the way without treachery. ‘The oaths were 
ratified by the sacrifice of a bull, a wolf,? a boar, and a ram 
over a shield. The Hellenes dipped a sword, the barbarians 
a lance, into the blood of the victims. 

As soon as the pledge was taken, Clearchus spoke: ‘ And 
now, Ariaeus,” he said, “ since you and we have one expedition 

1 The MSS. add the words, “The total distance of the route, taking 
Ephesus in Ionia as the starting point up to the field of battle, consisted of 93 
stages, 535 parasangs, or 16,050 furlongs ; from the battle-field to Babylon 
(reckoned a three days’ journey) would have been another 360 stades,’’ which 


may well be an editor's or commentator’s marginal note. 
* It is a question whether the words ‘a wolf’’ ought not to be omitted. 


a ee JUNCTION WITH ARIAEUS 45 


in prospect, will you tell us what you think about the route; 
shall we return the way we came, or have you devised a 
better?” He answered: “To return the same way is to perish 
to a man by hunger; for at this moment we have no pro- 
visions whatsoever. During the seventeen last stages, even on 
our way hither, we could extract nothing from the country ; or, 
if there was now and again anything, we passed over and utterly 
consumed it. At this time our project is to take another and 
a longer journey certainly, but we shall not be in straits for 
provisions. ‘The earliest stages must be very long, as long as 
we can make them ; the object is to put as large a space as pos- 
sible between us and the royal army; once we are two or 
three days’ journey off, the danger is over. The king will 
never overtake us. With a small army he will not dare to dog 
our heels, and with a vast equipment he will lack the power 
to march quickly. Perhaps he, too, may even find a scarcity 
of provisions. There,” said he, “you asked for my opinion, 
see, I have given it.” 

Here was a plan of the campaign, which was equivalent to 
a stampede: helter-skelter they were to run away, or get into 
hiding somehow ; but fortune proved a better general. For 
as soon as it was day they recommenced the journey, keeping 
the sun on their right, and calculating that with the westering 
rays they would have reached villages in the territory of 
Babylonia, and in this hope they were not deceived. While 
it was yet afternoon, they thought they caught sight of some 
of the enemy’s cavalry; and those of the Hellenes who 
were not in rank ran to their ranks; and Ariaeus, who was 
riding in a wagon to nurse a wound, got down and donned his 
cuirass, the rest of his party following his example. Whilst 
they were arming themselves, the scouts, who had been sent 
forward, came back with the information that they were not 
cavalry but baggage animals grazing. It was at once clear to 
all that they must be somewhere in the neighbourhood of the 
king’s encampment. Smoke could actually be seen rising, 
evidently from villages not far ahead. Clearchus hesitated 
to advance upon the enemy, knowing that the troops were tired 
and hungry; and indeed it was already late. On the other 
hand he had no mind either to swerve from his route—guard- 


46 ANABASIS—=BK, Wes { 
ing against any appearance of flight. Accordingly he marched 
straight as an arrow, and with sunset entered the nearest 
villages with his vanguard and took up quarters. 

These villages had been thoroughly sacked and dismantled 
by the royal army—down to the very woodwork and furniture 
of the houses. Still, the vanguard contrived to take up their 
quarters in some sort of fashion ; but the rear division, coming 
up in the dark, had to bivouac as best they could, one detach- 
ment after another; and a great noise they:made, with hue 
and cry to one another, so that the enemy could hear them ; 
and those in their immediate proximity actually took to their 
heels, left their quarters, and decamped, as was plain enough 
next morning, when not a beast was to be seen, nor sign of 
camp or wreath of smoke anywhere in the neighbourhood. 
The king, as it would appear, was himself quite taken aback 
by the advent of the army; as he fully showed by his pro- 
ceedings next day. 

During the progress of this night the Hellenes had their 
turn of scare,—a panic seized them, and there was a noise and 
clatter, hardly to be explained except by the visitation of some 
sudden terror. But Clearchus had with him the Eleian Tolmides, 
the best herald of his time; him he ordered to proclaim 
silence, and then to give out this proclamation of the generals : 
‘Whoever will give any information as to who let an ass into 
the camp shall receive a talent of silver in reward.” On 
hearing this proclamation the soldiers made up their minds 
that their fear was baseless, and their generals safe and sound. 
At break of day Clearchus gave the order to the Hellenes 
to get under arms in line of battle, and take up exactly the 
same position as they held on the day of the battle. 

11.—And now comes the proof of what I stated above— 
that the king was utterly taken aback by the sudden apparition 
of the army ; only the day before, he had sent and demanded 
the surrender of their arms—and now, with the rising sun, 
came heralds sent by him to arrange atruce. These, having 
reached the advanced guard, asked for the generals. The 
guard reported their arrival ; and Clearchus, who was busy in- 
specting the ranks, sent back word to the heralds that they must 
await his leisure. Having carefully arranged the troops so 


Seog. °} THE PERSIANS PROPOSE A TRUCE 47 


that from every side they might present the appearance’ of a 
compact battle line without a single unarmed man in sight, 
he summoned the ambassadors, and himself went forward to 
meet them with the soldiers, who for choice accoutrement 
and noble aspect were the flower of his force ; a course which 
he had invited the other generals also to adopt. 

And now, being face to face with the ambassadors, he 
questioned them as to what their wishes were. They replied 
that they had come to arrange a truce, and were persons 
competent to carry proposals from the king to the Hellenes 
and from the Hellenes to the king. He returned answer to 
them: “Take back word then to your master, that we need 
a battle first, for we have had no breakfast ; and he will be 
a brave man who will dare mention the word ‘truce’ to 
Hellenes without providing them with breakfast.” With this 
message the heralds rode off, but were back again in no 
time, which was a proof that the king, or some one appointed 
by him to transact the business, was hard by. ‘They reported 
that “the message seemed reasonable to the king; they had 
now come bringing guides who, if a truce were arranged, would 
conduct them where they would get provisions.” Clearchus 
inquired “whether the truce was offered to the individual 
men merely as they went and came, or to allalike.” ‘To all,” 
they replied, ‘‘until the king receives your final answer.” 
When they had so spoken, Clearchus, having removed the 
ambassadors, held a council; and it was resolved to make a 
truce at once, and then quietly to go and secure provisions ; 
and Clearchus said: ‘I agree to the resolution; still I do 
not propose to announce it at once, but to wile away time till 
the ambassadors begin to fear that we have decided against 
the truce; though I suspect,” he added, ‘the same fear will 
be operative on the minds of our soldiers also.” As soon as 
the right moment seemed to have arrived, he delivered his 
answer in favour of the truce, and bade the ambassadors at 
once conduct them to the provisions. 

So these led the way; and Clearchus, without relaxing 
precaution, in spite of having secured a truce, marched after 
them with his army in line and himself in command of the 
rearguard. Over and over again they encountered trenches 


48 ANABASIS—BK. II. Soh 6 ena: 
and conduits so full of water that they could not be crossed 
without bridges ; but they contrived well enough for these by 
means of trunks of palm trees which had fallen, or which they 
cut down for the occasion. And here Clearchus’s system of 
superintendence was a study in itself; as he stood with a spear 
in his left hand and a stick in the other; and when it seemed 
to him there was any dawdling among the parties told off to the 
work, he would pick out the right man and down would come the 
stick; nor, at the same time, was he above plunging into the 
mud and lending a hand himself, so that every one else was 
forced for very shame to display equal alacrity. The men told 
off for the business were the men of thirty years of age; but 
even the elder men, when they saw the energy of Clearchus, 
could not resist lending their aid also. What stimulated the 
haste of Clearchus was the suspicion in his mind that these 
trenches were not, as a rule, so full of water, since it was not 
the season to irrigate the plain; and he fancied that the king 
had let the water on fof the express purpose of vividly pre- 
senting to the Hellenes the many dangers with which their 
march was threatened at the very start. 

Proceeding on their way they reached some villages, where 
their guides pointed out to them they were to take provisions. 
They were found to contain plenty of corn, and wine made from 
palm dates, and an acidulated beverage extracted by boiling 
from the same fruit. As to the palm nuts or dates themselves, 
it was noticeable that the sort which we are accustomed to see 
in Hellas were set aside for the domestic servants ; those put 
aside for the masters are picked specimens, and are simply 
marvellous for their beauty and size, looking like great golden 
lumps of amber; some specimens they dried and preserved 
as sweetmeats. Sweet enough they were as an accompani- 
ment of wine, but apt to give headache. Here, too, for the 
first time in their lives, the men tasted the brain! of the 
palm. No one could help being struck by the beauty of this 
object, and the peculiarity of its delicious flavour; but this, 
like the dried fruits, was exceedingly apt to give headache. 
When this cabbage or brain has been removed from the palm 
the whole tree withers from top to bottom. 


1 7.2. the cabbage-like crown, 


oe ancaa TISSAPHERNES 45 

In these villages they remained three days, and a deputa- 
tion from the great king arrived—Tissaphernes and the king’s 
brother-in-law and three other Persians—with a retinue of many 
slaves. As soon as the generals of the Hellenes had presented 
themselves, Tissaphernes opened the proceedings with the fol- 
lowing speech, through the lips of an interpreter: ‘“‘Men of 
Hellas, I am your next-door neighbour in Hellas. Therefore 
was it that I, when I saw into what a sea of troubles you were 
fallen, regarded it as a godsend, if by any means I might 
obtain, as a boon from the king, the privilege of bringing you 
back in safety to your own country: and that, I take it, 
will earn me gratitude from you and all Hellas. In this 
determination I preferred my request to the king ; I claimed 
it as a favour which was fairly my due; for was it not I who 
first announced to him the hostile approach of Cyrus? who 
supported that announcement by the aid I brought; who 
alone among the officers confronted with the Hellenes in 
battle did not flee, but charged right through and united my 
troops with the king inside your camp, where he was arrived, 
having slain Cyrus; it was I, lastly, who gave chase to the 
barbarians under Cyrus, with the help of those here present 
with me at this moment, which also are among the trustiest 
followers of our lord the king. On hearing my proposals, 
he promised me to deliberate, and he bade me come, to ask 
you for what cause you marched against him. Now, I counsel 
you to give a moderate answer, so that it may be easier for 
me to carry out my design, if haply I may obtain from him 
some good thing in your behalf.” 

Thereupon the Hellenes retired and took counsel. Then 
they answered, and Clearchus was their spokesman: ‘‘ We 
neither mustered as a body to make war against the king, nor 
was our march conducted with that object. But it was Cyrus, 
as you know, who invented many and divers pretexts, that he 
might take you off your guard, and transport us hither. Yet, 
after a while, when we saw that he was in sore straits, we were 
ashamed in the sight of God and man to betray him, whom 
we had permitted for so long a season to benefit us. But 
now that Cyrus is dead, we set up no claim to his kingdom 


against the king himself; there is neither person nor thing for 
E 


50 ANABASIS—BK. 11,  {° go 73.cuo it Be 


the sake of which we would care to injure the king’s country ; 
we would not choose to kill him if we could, rather we would 
march straight home, if we were not molested; but, God 
helping us, we will retaliate on all who injure us. On the 
other hand, if any be found to benefit us, we do not mean 
to be outdone in kindly deeds, as far as in us lies.” 

So he spoke, and Tissaphernes listened and replied: 
“That answer will I take back to the king and bring you 
word from him again. Until I come again, let the truce 
continue, and we will furnish you with a market.” All next 
day he did not come back, and the Hellenes were troubled 
with anxieties, but on the third day he arrived with the news 
that he had obtained from the king the boon he asked; he 
was permitted to save the Hellenes, though there were many 
gainsayers who argued that it was not seemly for the king to 
let those who had marched against him depart in peace. 
And at last he said: “ You may now, if you like, take pledges 
from us, that we will make the countries through which you 
pass friendly to you, and will lead you back without treachery 
into Hellas, and will furnish you with a market ; and wherever 
you cannot purchase, we will permit you to take provisions 
from the district. You, on your side, must swear that you 
will march as through a friendly country, without damage 
-—merely taking food and drink wherever we fail to supply a 
market—or, if we afford a market, you shall only obtain 
provisions by paying for them.” This was agreed to, and 
oaths and pledges exchanged between them—Tissaphernes and 
the king’s brother-in-law upon the one side, and the generals 
and officers of the Hellenes on the other. After this Tissa- 
phernes said: ‘And now I go back to the king; as soon as 
I have transacted what I have a mind to, I will come back, 
ready equipped, to lead you away to Hellas, and to return my- 
self to my own dominion.” 

1v.—After these things the Hellenes and Ariaeus waited for 
Tissaphernes, being encamped close to one another: for more 
than twenty days they waited, during which time there came 
visitors to Ariaeus, his brother and other kinsfolk. To those 
under him came certain other Persians, encouraging them 
and bearing pledges to some of them from the king himself 


ceases DELAY AND SUSPICIONS 51 
—that he would bear no grudge against them on account 
of the part they bore in the expedition against him with 
Cyrus, or for aught else of the things which were past. 
Whilst these overtures were being made, Ariaeus and _ his 
friends gave manifest signs of paying less attention to the 
Hellenes, so much so that, if for no other reason, the majority 
of the latter were not well pleased, and they came to 
Clearchus and the other generals, asking what they were 
waiting for. ‘Do we not know full well,” they said, “that 
the king would give a great deal to destroy us, so that other 
Hellenes may take warning and think twice before they march 
against the king. ‘To-day it suits his purpose to induce us to 
stop here, because his army is scattered; but as soon as he 
has got together another armament,! attack us most certainly 
he will. How do we know he is not at this moment digging 
away at trenches, or running up walls, to make our path 
impassable. It is not to be supposed that he will desire us 
to return to Hellas with a tale how a handful of men like 
ourselves beat the king at his own gates, laughed him to 
scorn, and then came home again.” Clearchus replied: “I 
too am keenly aware of all this; but I reason thus: if we 
turn our backs now, they will say, we mean war and are 
acting contrary to the truce, and then what follows? First 
of all, no one will furnish us with a market or means of pro- 
viding ourselves with food. ‘Next, we shall have no one to 
guide us; moreover, such action on our part will be a signal 
to Ariaeus to hold aloof from us, so that not a friend will be 
left to us; even those who were formerly our friends will 
now be numbered with our enemies. What other river, or 
rivers, we may find we have to cross, I do not know; but this 
we know, to cross the Euphrates in face of resistance is 
impossible. You see, in the event of being driven to an 
engagement, we have no cavalry to help us, but with the 
enemy it is the reverse—not only the most, but the best of his 
troops are cavalry, so that if we are victorious, we shall kill no 
one, but if we are defeated, not a man of us can escape. For 
my part, I cannot see why the king, who has so many advan- 


1 Or, more lit., ‘‘got together his full armament ;” ‘‘re-collected his 
army.” 


52 ANABASIS—BK. II. {eee gees 
tages on his side, if he desires to destroy us, should swear 
oaths and tender solemn pledges merely in order to perjure 
himself in the sight of heaven, to render his word worthless 
and his credit discreditable the wide world over.” These 
arguments he propounded at length. 

Meanwhile Tissaphernes came back, apparently ready to 
return home; he had his own force with him, and so had 
Orontas, who was also present, his. The latter brought, more- 
over, his bride with him, the king’s daughter, whom he had 
just wedded. The journey was now at length fairly com- 
menced. Tissaphernes led the way, and provided a market. 
They advanced, and Ariaeus advanced too, at the head of 
Cyrus’s Asiatic troops, side by side with Tissaphernes and 
Orontas, and with these two he also pitched his camp. ‘The 
Hellenes, holding them in suspicion, marched separately with 
the guides, and they encamped on each occasion a parasang 
apart, or rather less; and both parties kept watch upon each 
other as if they were enemies, which hardly tended to lull 
suspicion ; and sometimes, whilst foraging for wood and grass 
and so forth on the same ground, blows were exchanged, 
which occasioned further embitterments. ‘Three stages they 
had accomplished ere they reached the wall of Media, as 
it is called, and passed within it It was built of baked 
bricks laid upon bitumen. It was twenty feet broad and a 
hundred feet high, and the length of it was said to be twenty 
parasangs.” It lies at no great distance from Babylon. 

From this point they marched two stages—eight para- 
sangs—and crossed two canals, the first by a regular bridge, 
the other spanned by a bridge of seven boats. These canals 
issued from the Tigris, and from them a whole system of 
minor trenches was cut, leading over the country, large ones 
to begin with, and then smaller and smaller, till at last they 
become the merest runnels, like those in Héllas used for 
watering millet fields. They reached the river Tigris. At 
this point there was a large and thickly populated city named 


1 Or, “passed along it'’; the words are mapf\Oov elow atrod. See Mr. 
Pretor, Anad. of Xen,, appendix to note on II. iv. 12 ; and Grote’s note on the 
wall of Media, already referred to above, p. 25; also below, p. 87, note tr. 

* /.e. taking the parasang as = 30 stades, nearly 34 English miles, or 
nearly 3 geographical miles, the wall was nearly 70 miles long. 


re) PASSAGE OF THE TIGRIS 53 


Sittace, at a distance of fifteen furlongs! from the river. The 
Hellenes accordingly encamped by the side of that city, near 
a large and beautiful park, which was thick with all sorts of 
trees. 

The Asiatics had crossed the Tigris, but somehow were 
entirely hidden from view. After supper, Proxenus and 
Xenophon were walking in front of the place d’armes, when 
a man came up and demanded of the advanced guard where 
he could find Proxenus or Clearchus. He did not ask for 
Menon, and that too though he came from Ariaeus, who was 
Menon’s friend. As soon as Proxenus had said: “I am he, 
whom you seek,” the man replied: “I have been sent by 
Ariaeus and Artaozus, who have been trusty friends to Cyrus 
in past days, and are your well-wishers. They warn you to 
be on your guard, in case the barbarians attack you in the 
night. There is a large body of troops in the neighbouring 
park. They also warn you to send and occupy the bridge 
over the Tigris, since Tissaphernes is minded to break it 
down in the night, if he can, so that you may not cross, but 
be caught between the river and the canal.” On hearing this 
they took the man to Clearchus and acquainted him with 
his statement. Clearchus, on his side, was much disturbed, 
and indeed alarmed at the news. But a young fellow who 
was present,” struck with an idea, suggested that the two state- 
ments were inconsistent ; as to the contemplated attack and the 
proposed destruction of the bridge. Clearly, the attacking 
party must either conquer or be worsted: if they conquer, 
what need of their breaking down the bridge? ‘Why! if 
there were half a dozen bridges,” said he, ‘‘we should not 
be any the more able to save ourselves by flight—there would 
be no place to flee to; but, in the opposite case, suppose we 
win, with the bridge broken down, it is they who will not 
be able to save themselves by flight ; and, what is worse for 
them, not a single soul will be able to bring them succour 
from the other side, for all their numbers, since the bridge 
will be broken down.” 

Clearchus listened to the reasoning, and then he asked 
the messenger, “ How large the country between the Tigris and 


1 Lit. ‘‘ fifteen stades,” 2 Possibly Xenophon himself. 


f cH. Iv. § 21-26 


54 ANABASIS—BK. II. - Oe ae eae 


the canal might be?” ‘A large district,” he replied, “‘and in 
it are villages and cities numerous and large.” ‘Then it dawned 
upon them: the barbarians had sent the man with subtlety, 
in fear lest the Hellenes should cut the bridge and occupy the 
island territory, with the strong defences of the Tigris on the 
one side and of the canal on the other; supplying themselves 
with provisions from the country so included, large and rich 
as it was, with no lack of hands to till it ; in addition to which, 
a harbour of refuge and asylum would be found for any one, 
who was minded to do the king a mischief. 

After this they retired to rest in peace, not, however, 
neglecting to send a guard to occupy the bridge in spite of 
all; but nothing happened, and there was no attack from any 
quarter whatsoever; nor did any of the enemy’s people 
approach the bridges: so the guards were able to report next 
morning. But as soon as it was morning, they proceeded to 
cross the bridge, which consisted of thirty-seven vessels, and 
in so doing they used the utmost precaution possible ; 
for reports were brought by some of the Hellenes with 
Tissaphernes that an attempt was to be made to attack them 
while crossing. All this turned out to be false, though it is 
true that while crossing they did catch sight of Glus 
watching, with some others, to see if they crossed the river ; 
but as soon as he had satisfied himself on that point, he rode 
off and was gone. 

From the river Tigris they advanced four stages—twenty 
parasangs—to the river Physcus, which is a hundred feet broad 
and spanned by a bridge. Here lay a large and populous 
city named Opis, close to which the Hellenes were encountered 
by the natural brother of Cyrus and Artaxerxes, who was lead- 
ing a large army from Susa and Ecbatana to assist the king. 
He halted his troops and watched the Hellenes march past. 
Clearchus led them in column two abreast: and from time to 
time he marched and from time to time he halted. But every 
time the vanguard came to a standstill, just so often and just 
so long the effect repeated itself down to the hindmost man : 
halt! halt! halt! along the whole line: so that even to the 
Hellenes themselves their army seemed enormous; and the 
Persian was fairly astonished at the spectacle, 


St; Oc. aa} INTERVIEW WITH TISSAPHERNES ' 55 
From this place they marched through Media six deSert 
' stages—thirty parasangs—to the villages of Parysatis,! Cyrus’s 
and the king’s mother. These Tissaphernes, in mockery of 
Cyrus, delivered over to the Hellenes to plunder, except that 
the folk in them were not to be made slaves. ‘They contained 
much corn, cattle, and other property. From this place they 
advanced four desert stages—twenty parasangs—keeping the 
Tigris on the left. On the first of these stages, on the other 
side of the river, lay a large city; it was a well-to-do place 
named Caenae, from which the natives used to carry across 
loaves and cheeses and wine on rafts made of skins. 
v.—After this they reached the river Zapatas,? which is four 
hundred feet broad, and here they halted three days. During 
‘the interval suspicions were rife, though no act of treachery 
displayed itself. Clearchus accordingly resolved to seek an in- 
terview with Tissaphernes, and if possible to bring to an end 
these feelings of mistrust, before they led to war. Conse- 
quently, he sent a messenger to the Persian to say that he 
desired an interview with him; to which the other readily 
consented. As soon as they were met, Clearchus spoke as 
follows: ‘‘ Tissaphernes,” he said, “I do not forget that oaths 
have been exchanged between us, and right hands shaken, in 
token that we will abstain from mutual injury ; but I can see 
that you watch us narrowly, as if we were foes ; and we, seeing 
this, watch you narrowly in return. But as I fail to discover, 
after investigation, that you are endeavouring to do us a mischief 
—and I am quite sure that nothing of the sort has ever 
entered our heads with regard to you—the best plan seemed to 
me to come and talk the matter over with you, so that, if 
possible, we might dispel the mutual distrust on either side. 
For I have known people ere now, the victims in some cases 
of calumny, or possibly of mere suspicion, who in apprehension 
of one another and eager to deal the first blow, have com- 
mitted irreparable wrong against those who neither intended 
nor so much as harboured a thought of mischief against them. 


1 See above, p. 15, note 1. 
2 The Greater Zab, which flows into the Tigris near a town now called 
Senn, with which most travellers identify Caenae (Kawal). See Grote, 7st, of 


Greece, vol, ix. p. 93 (1st ed.) See map, 


56 ANABASIS—BK. IL. oe ee 
I have come to you under a conviction that such misunder- 
standings may best be put a stop to by personal intercourse, 
and I wish to instruct you plainly that you are wrong in mis- 
trusting us. The first and weightiest reason is that the oaths, 
which we took in the sight of heaven, are a barrier to mutual 
hostility. I envy not the man whose conscience tells him 
that he has disregarded these! For in a war with heaven, 
by what swiftness of foot can a man escape ?—in what quarter 
find refuge ?}—in what darkness slink away and be hid ?—to 
what strong fortress scale and be out of reach? Are not all 
things in all ways subject to the gods? is not their lordship 
over all alike outspread? As touching the gods, therefore, 
and our oaths, that is how I view this matter. To their safe 
keeping we consigned the friendship which we solemnly con- 
tracted. But turning to matters human, you I look upon as 
our greatest blessing in this present time. With you every 
path is plain to us, every river passable, and of provisions we 
shall know no stint. But without you, all our way is through 
darkness ; for we know nothing concerning it, every river will 
be an obstacle, each multitude a terror ; but, worst terror of all, 
the vast wilderness, so full of endless perplexity. Nay, if in a 
fit of madness we murdered you, what then? in slaying our 
benefactor should we not have challenged to enter the lists 
against us a more formidable antagonist in the king himself ?? 
Let me tell you, how many high hopes I should rob myself of, 
were I to take in hand to do you mischief. 

‘““T coveted the friendship of Cyrus; I believed him to be 
abler than any man of his day to benefit those whom he chose ; 
but to-day I look and, behold, it is you who are in his place; 


1 Reading with Sauppe otre dma dv Tis pevywy ; or, with Hug, omitting 
the words otre 67a dy, translate ‘‘can a man flee away and escape? into 
what darkness,” etc. ; for the sentiment of the passage compare the language 
of Psalm cxxxix, 7-12, 

? Or, “they witnessed our covenant of friendship; they are the deposit- 
aries of its terms.” 

3 The Greek is more graphic, lit. ‘‘the greatest reserve combatant,’’ the 
metaphor being taken from the public games, in which ‘‘the odd man,” who 
has not been paired, sz¢s dy ready to engage any athlete who shall beat his 
adversary. See W. W. Goodwin and J. W. White ad doc. ; also Mr. Pretor 
ad loc. Cf. Virg. Aen. xi. 278, devictam Asiam szbsedi¢ adulter : of Agamem- 
non, ‘‘ Asia fell before him, but the adulterer rose in her room.’’—-Conington, 


yeas CLEARCHUS AND TISSAPHERNES 57 
the power which belonged to Cyrus and his territory are yours 
now. You have them, and your own satrapy besides, safe and 
sound ; while the king’s power, which was a thorn in the side 
of Cyrus, is your support. This being so, it would be madness 
not to wish to be your friend. But I will go further and state 
to you the reasons of my confidence, that you on your side 
will desire our friendship. I know that the Mysians are a 
cause of trouble to you, and I flatter myself that with my 
present force I could render them humbly obedient to you. 
This applies to the Pisidians also; and I am told there are 
many other such tribes besides. I think I can deal with 
them all; they shall cease from being a constant disturbance 
to your peace and prosperity. Then there are the Egyptians.! 
I know your anger against them to-day is very great. Nor can 
I see what better force you will find to help you in chastising 
them than this which marches at my back to-day. Again, 
if you seek the friendship of any of your neighbours round, 
there shall be no friend so great as you; if any one annoys 
you, with us as your faithful servitors you shall belord it 
over him; and such service will we render you, not as hirelings 
merely for pay’s sake, but for the gratitude which we shall 
rightly feel to you, to whom we owe our lives. As I dwell on 
these matters, I confess, the idea of your feeling mistrust of 
us is so astonishing, that I would give much to discover the 
name of the man, who is so clever of speech that he can per- 
suade you that we harbour designs against you.” Clearchus 
ended, and Tissaphernes responded thus— 

“T am glad, Clearchus, to listen to your sensible remarks ; 
for with the sentiments you hold, if you were to devise any 
mischief against me, it could only be out of malevolence to 
yourself. But if you imagine that you, on your side, have any 
better reason to mistrust the king and me, than we you, listen 
to me in turn, and I will undeceive you. I ask you, does it 
seem to you that we lack the means, if we had the will, to de- 
stroy you? have we not horsemen enough, or infantry, or what- 
ever other arm you like, whereby we may be able to injure you, 


1 See above, p. 42; we learn from Diodorus Siculus, xiv, 35, that the 
Egyptians had revolted from the Persians towards the end of the reign of 
Darius. 


58 ANABASIS—BK. II. Veen pee 


without risk of suffering in return? or, possibly, do we seem 
to you to lack the physical surroundings suitable for attacking - 
you? Do you not see all these great plains, which you find it 
hard enough to traverse even when they are friendly? and all 
yonder great mountain chains left for you to cross, which we 
can at any time occupy in advance and render impassable ? 
and all those rivers, on whose banks we can deal craftily + by 
you, checking and controlling and choosing the right number 
of you whom we care to fight! Nay, there are some which 
you will not be able to cross at all, unless we transport you to 
the other side. 

“And if at all these points we were worsted, yet ‘fire,’ 
as they say, ‘is stronger than the fruit of the field’: we 
can burn it down and call up famine in arms against you ; 
against which you, for all your bravery, will never be able to 
contend. Why then, with all these avenues of attack, this 
machinery of war, open to us, not one of which can be turned 
against ourselves, why should we select from among them 
all that method, which alone in the sight of God is impious 
and of man abominable? Surely it belongs to people alto- 
gether without resources, who are helplessly struggling in the 
toils of fate, and are villains to boot, to seek accomplishment 
of their desires by perjury to heaven and faithlessness to their 
fellows. We are not so unreasoning, Clearchus, nor so foolish. 

“Why, when we had it in our power to destroy you, did 
we not proceed to do it? Know well that the cause of this 
was nothing less than my passion to prove myself faithful to 
the Hellenes, and that, as Cyrus went up, relying on a foreign 
force attracted by payment, I in turn might go down strong 
in the saine through service rendered. Various ways in which 
you Hellenes may be useful to me you yourself have mentioned, 
but there is one still greater. It is the great king’s privilege 
alone to wear the tiara upright upon his head, yet in your 
presence it may be given to another mortal to wear it upright, 
here, upon his heart.” 

Throughout this speech he seemed to Clearchus to be 
speaking the truth, and he rejoined: “Then are not those 


1 Cf. Cyrop, III. iii, 47, rapseter@ac = to deal economically or piece- 
meal by, 


Out seat? | == ARREST OF THE GENERALS 59 


worthy of the worst penalties who, in spite of all that exists to 
cement our friendship, endeavour by slander to make us 
enemies?” “Even so,” replied Tissaphernes, “and if your 
generals and captains care to come in some open and public 
way, I will name to you those who tell me that you are plot- 
ting against me and the army under me.” “Good,” replied 
Clearchus. “T will bring all, and I will show you, on my side, 
the source from which I derive my information concerning 
you.” 

After this conversation Tissaphernes, with kindliest expres- 
sions, invited Clearchus to remain with him at the time, and 
entertained him at dinner. Next day Clearchus returned to 
the camp, and made no secret of his persuasion that he at 
any rate stood high in the affections of Tissaphernes, and he 
reported what he had said, insisting that those invited ought 
to go to Tissaphernes, and that any Hellene convicted of 
calumnious language ought to be punished, not only as traitors 
themselves, but as disaffected to their fellow - countrymen. 
The slanderer and traducer was Menon; so, at any rate, he 
suspected, because he knew that he had had meetings with 
Tissaphernes whilst he was with Ariaeus, and was factiously 
opposed to himself, plotting how to win over the whole army 
to him, as a means of winning the good graces of ‘Tissaphernes. 
But Clearchus wanted the entire army to give its mind to no 
one else, and that refractory people should be put out of the 
way. Some of the soldiers protested: the captains and 
generals had better not all go; it was better not to put too 
much confidence in Tissaphernes. But Clearchus insisted so 
strongly that finally it was arranged for five generals to go 
and twenty captains. These were accompanied by about two 
hundred of the other soldiers, who took the opportunity of 
marketing. 

On arrival at the doors of Tissaphernes’s quarters the 
generals were summoned inside. They were Proxenus the 
Boeotian, Menon: the Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clear- 
chus the Laconian, and Socrates the Achaean ; while the cap- 
tains remained at the doors. Not long after, at one and the 
same signal, those within were seized and those without cut 
down ; after which some of the barbarian horsemen galloped 


60 ANABASIS—BK. II. Oe 
over the plain, killing every Hellene they encountered, bond 
or free. The Hellenes, as they looked from the camp, viewed 
that strange horsemanship with surprise, and could not explain 
to themselves what it all meant, until Nicarchus the Arcadian 
came tearing along for bare life with a wound in the belly, 
and clutching his protruding entrails in his hands. He told 
them all that had happened. Instantly the Hellenes ran to 
their arms, one and all, in utter consternation, and fully ex- 
pecting that the enemy would instantly be down upon the 
camp. However, they did not all come: only Ariaeus came, 
and Artaozus and Mithridates, who were Cyrus’s most faithful 
friends; but the interpreter of the Hellenes said he saw and 
recognised the brother of Tissaphernes also with them. They 
had at their back other Persians also, armed with cuirasses, as 
many as three hundred. As soon as they were within a short 
distance, they bade any general or captain of the Hellenes who 
might be there to approach and hear a message from the king. 
After this, two Hellene generals went out with all precaution. 
These were Cleanor the Orchomenian,! and Sophaenetus the 
Stymphalian, attended by Xenophon the Athenian, who went 
to learn news of Proxenus. Cheirisophus was at the time 
away in a village with a party getting provisions. As soon as 
they had halted within earshot, Arizus said: ‘‘ Hellenes, 
Clearchus being shown to have committed perjury and to 
have broken the truce, has suffered the penalty, and he is 
dead ; but Proxenus and Menon, in return for having given 
information of his treachery, are in high esteem and honour. 
As to yourselves, the king demands your arms. He claims 
them as his, since they belonged to Cyrus, who was his slave.” 
To this the Hellenes made answer by the mouth of Cleanor of 
Orchomenus, their spokesman, who said, addressing Ariaeus : 
“Thou villain, Ariaeus, and you the rest of you, who were 
Cyrus’s friends, have you no shame before God or man, 
first to swear to us you would have the same friends and 
the same enemies as we ourselves, and then to turn and 
betray us, making common cause with Tissaphernes, that 
most impious and villainous of men? With him you have 
murdered the very men to whom you gave your solemn 


1 Of Orchomenus in Arcadia. 


Sc; Ore.“ } EFFECT UPON THE HELLENES 6x 


word and oath, and to the rest of us turned traitors * and, 
having so done, you join hand with our enemies to come 
against us.” Ariaeus answered: “There is no doubt but that 
Clearchus has been known for some time to harbour designs 
against Tissaphernes and Orontas, and all of us who side with 
them.” Taking up this assertion, Xenophon said: “Well, 
then, granting that Clearchus broke the truce contrary to our 
oaths, he has his deserts, for perjurers deserve to perish; but 
where are Proxenus and Menon, our generals and your good 
friends and benefactors, as you admit? Send them back to 
us. Surely, just because they are friends of both parties, they 
will try to give the best advice for you and for us.” 

At this, the Asiatics stood discussing with one another for 
a long while, and then they went away without vouchsafing 
a word. 

vi.—The generals who were thus seized were taken up to 
the king and there decapitated. ‘The first of these, Clearchus, 
was a thorough soldier, and a true lover of fighting. This is 
the testimony of all who knew him intimately. As long as 
the war between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians lasted, 
he could find occupation at home; but after the peace, he 
persuaded his own city that the Thracians were injuring the 
Hellenes, and having secured his object, set sail, empowered 
by the ephorate to make war upon the Thracians north of the 
Chersonese and Perinthus. But he had no sooner fairly 
started than, for some reason or other, the ephors changed 
their minds, and endeavoured to bring him back again from 
the isthmus. Thereupon he refused further obedience, and 
went off with sails set for the Hellespont. In consequence 
he was condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for 
disobedience to orders; and now, finding himself an exile, he 
came to Cyrus. Working on the feelings of that prince, in 
language described elsewhere,! he received from his entertainer 
a present of ten thousand darics.2,_ Having got this money, he 
did not sink into a life of ease and indolence, but collected an 


1 For the incident see above, Azad. I. i. g and iii. 3, 4; the language, how- 
ever, used by Clearchus, is not described in either passage. Pantazides con- 
jectures dors for &\Aq yéypamrat = ‘‘ described by others,’ see PAzlzstor, III. 

2 —about 10,000 guineas, See above, p. 26, note 1. 


62 ANABASIS—BK. II. Bape: 
army with it, carried on war against the Thracians and con- 
quered them in battle, and from that date onwards harried 
and plundered them with war incessantly, until Cyrus wanted 
his army ; whereupon he at once went off, in hopes of finding 
another sphere of warfare in his company. 

These, I take it, were the characteristic acts of a man 
whose affections are set on warfare. When it is open to 
him to enjoy peace with honour, no shame, no injury attached, 
still he prefers war; when he may live at home at ease, he 
insists on toil, if only it may end in fighting ; when it is given 
to him to keep his riches without risk, he would rather lessen 
his fortune by the pastime of battle. To put it briefly, war 
was his mistress ; just as another man will spend his fortune 
on a favourite, or to gratify some pleasure, so he chose to 
squander his substance on soldiering. 

But if the life of a soldier was a passion with him, he was 
none the less a soldier born, as herein appears; danger was a 
delight to him; he courted it, attacking the enemy by night 
or by day; and in difficulties he did not lose his head, as all 
who ever served in a campaign with him would with one con- 
sent allow. A good soldier! the question arises, Was he 
equally good as a commander? It must be admitted that, as 
far as was compatible with his quality of temper, he was: 
none more so. Capable to a singular degree of devising 
how his army was to get supplies, and of actually getting 
them, he was also capable of impressing upon those 
about him that Clearchus must be obeyed; and that he 
brought about by the very hardness of his nature. With a 
scowling expression and a harshly-grating voice, he chastised 
with severity, and at times with such fury, that he was sorry 
afterwards himself for what he had done. Yet it was not 
without purpose that he applied the whip; he had a theory 
that there» was no good to be got out of an unchastened 
army. A saying of his is recorded to the effect that the 
soldier who is to mount guard and keep his hands off his 
friends, and be ready to dash without a moment’s hesitation 
against the foe—must fear his commander more than the 
enemy. Accordingly, in any strait, this was the man whom 
the soldiers were eager to obey, and they would have no other 


a} CLEARCHUS AND PROXENUS 63 


in his place. The cloud which lay upon his brow,! at those 
times lit up with brightness ; his face became radiant, and the 
old sternness was so charged with vigour and knitted strength 
to meet the foe, that it savoured of salvation, not of cruelty. 
But when the pinch of danger was past, and it was open to 
them to go and taste subordination under some other officer, 
many forsook him. So lacking in grace of manner was he ; 
but was ever harsh and savage, so that the feeling of the 
soldiers towards him was that of schoolboys to a master. In 
other words, though it was not his good fortune ever to have 
followers inspired solely by friendship or goodwill, yet those 
who found themselves under him, either by State appointment 
or through want, or other arch necessity, yielded him implicit 
obedience. From the moment that he led them to victory, 
the elements which went to make his soldiers efficient were 
numerous enough. There was the feeling of confidence in 
facing the foe, which never left them, and there was the dread 
of punishment at his hands to keep them orderly. In this way 
and to this extent he knew how to rule; but to play a sub- 
ordinate part himself he had no great taste; so, at any rate, it 
was said. At the time of his death he must have been about 
fifty years of age. 

Proxenus, the Boeotian, was of a different temperament. 
It had been the dream of his boyhood to become a man cap- 
able of great achievements. In obedience to this passionate 
desire it was, that he paid his fee to Gorgias of Leontini.? 
After enjoying that teacher’s society, he flattered himself that he 
must be at once qualified to rule ; and while he was on friendly 
terms with the leaders of the age, he was not to be outdone in 


1 Reading év rots rpoowrrots : or, retaining év Tols d\Aots mpoowrors of the 
best MSS., translate perhaps, as Mr. Pretor (Azad. of Xen., vol. ii. p. 384), 
“‘his gloominess then shone as a bright light (reflected) in the faces of those 
around him.” Cf. Cyrvop. V. ii. 34; Mem. III. x. 4. Cf. Walt Whitman, 
Leaves of Grass, p. 79 (ed, 1860-61) :— 

‘Serene stood the little captain, 
He was not hurried ; his voice was neither high nor low ; 
His eyes gave more light to us than our battle lanterns.’ 


2 The famous rhetorician of Leontini, 485-380 B.c. His fee’ was 100 
minae =about £405. SeeSirR. Jebb, Attic Orarors, vol. 1., Introduction, p. 


exxiii, and foll. 


64 ANABASIS—BK. II. {ore 
reciprocity of service.! In this mood he threw himself into 
the projects of Cyrus, and in return expected to derive from 
this essay the reward of a great name, large power, and wide 
wealth. But for all that he pitched his hopes so high, it was 
none the less evident that he would refuse to gain any of the 
ends he set before him wrongfully. Righteously and honour- 
ably he would obtain them, if he might, or else forego them. 
As a commander he had the art of leading gentlemen, but he 
failed to inspire adequately either respect for himself or fear 
in the soldiers under him. Indeed, he showed a more delicate 
regard for his soldiers than his subordinates for him, and he 
was indisputably more apprehensive of incurring their hatred 
than they were of losing their fidelity. The one thing need- 
ful to real and recognised generalship was, he thought, to 
praise the virtuous and to withhold praise from the evildoer. 
It can be easily understood, then, that of those who were 
brought in contact with him, the good and noble indeed 
were his well-wishers; but he laid himself open to the 
machinations of the base, who looked upon him as a person 
to be dealt with as they liked, At the time of his death he 
was only thirty years of age. 

As to Menon the Thessalian,? the mainspring of his action 
was obvious; what he sought after insatiably was wealth. 
Rule he sought after only as a stepping-stone to larger spoils. 
Honours and high estate he craved for simply that he might 
extend the area of his gains ; and if he studied to be on friendly 
terms with the powerful, it was in order that he might commit 
wrong with impunity. The shortest road to the achievement 
of his desires lay, he thought, through false swearing, lying, 
and cheating; for in his vocabulary simplicity and truth were 
synonyms of folly. Natural affection he clearly entertained 


1 Proxenus, like Cyrus (see above, p. 31, note 1), is to some extent a pro- 
totype of the Cyrus of the Cyropaedia. In other words, the author, in delineat- 
ing the portrait of his ideal prince, drew from the recollection of many princely 
qualities observed by him in the characters of many friends, Apart from the 
intrinsic charm of the story, the Azaédaszs is interesting as containing the raw 
material of experience and reflection which ‘‘this young scholar or philo- 
sopher,” our friend, the author, will one day turn to literary account. 

2 For a less repulsive conception of Menon's character, however unhistori- 
cal, see Plato’s Meno, and Prof. Jowett's Introduction, P/ado, vol. i. p. 265 : 
‘«Fle is a Thessalian Alcibiades, rich and luxurious—a spoilt child of fortune."’ 


Soest CHARACTER OF MENON 65 
for nobody. If he called a man his friend, it might be looked 
upon as certain that he was bent on ensnaring him. Laughter 
at an enemy he considered out of place, but his whole con- 
versation turned upon the ridicule of his associates. In like 
manner, the possessions of his foes were secure from his 
designs, since it was no easy task, he thought, to steal from 
people on their guard; but it was his particular good for- 
tune to have discovered how easy it is to rob a friend in 
the midst of his security. If it were a perjured person or a 
wrongdoer, he dreaded him as well armed and intrenched ; 
but the honourable and the truth-loving he tried to practise 
on, regarding them as weaklings devoid of manhood. And as 
other men pride themselves on piety and truth and righteous- 
ness, so Menon prided himself on a capacity for fraud, on the 
fabrication of lies, on the mockery and scorn of friends. The 
man who was not a rogue he ever looked upon as only half 
educated. Did he aspire to the first place in another man’s 
friendship, he set about his object by slandering those who 
stood nearest to him in affection. He contrived to secure the 
obedience of his soldiers by making himself an accomplice in 
their misdeeds, and the fluency with which he vaunted his own 
capacity and readiness for enormous guilt was a sufficient title 
to be honoured and courted by them. Or if any one stood 
aloof from him, he set it down as a meritorious act of kind- 
ness on his part that during their intercourse he had not 
robbed him of existence. 

As to certain obscure charges brought against his char- 
acter, these may certainly be fabrications. I confine myself 
to the following facts, which are known to all. He was in 
the bloom of youth when he procured from Aristippus the 
command of his mercenaries ; he had not yet lost that bloom 
when he became exceedingly intimate with Ariaeus, a bar- 
barian, whose liking for fair young men was the explanation ; 
and before he had grown a beard himself, he had contracted 
a similar relationship with a bearded favourite named Tharypas. 
When his fellow-generals were put to death on the plea that 
they had marched with Cyrus against the king, he alone, 
although he had shared their conduct, was exempted from 


their fate. But after their deaths the vengeance of the king 
F 


CH. v1. 


66 ANABASIS—BK. IL. foe 


fell upon him, and he was put to death, not like Clearchus 
and the others by what would appear to be the speediest of 
deaths—decapitation—but, as report says, he lived for a year 
in pain and disgrace and died the death of a felon. 

Agias the Arcadian, and Socrates the Achaean were both 
among the sufferers who were put to death. To the credit, 
be it said, of both, no one ever derided either as cowardly in 
war: no one ever had a fault to find with either on the score 
of friendship. They were both about thirty-five years of age. 


BOOK IIL 1.3 


[In the preceding pages of the narrative will be found a full account, 
not only of the doings of the Hellenes during the advance of Cyrus till the 
date of the battle, but of the incidents which befell them after Cyrus’s 
death at the commencement of the retreat, while in company with Tissa- 
phernes during the truce. ] 


1.—After the generals had been seized, and the captains 
and soldiers who formed their escort had been killed, the Hel- 
lenes lay in deep perplexity—a prey to painful reflections. Here 
were they at the king’s gates, and on every side environing 
them were many hostile cities and tribes of men. Who was 
there now to furnish them with a market? Separated from 
Hellas by more than a thousand miles,! they had not even a 
guide to point the way. Impassable rivers lay athwart their 
homeward route, and hemmed them in. Betrayed even by the 
Asiatics, at whose side they had marched with Cyrus to the 
attack, they were left in isolation. Without a single mounted 
trooper to aid them in pursuit: was it not perfectly plain that 
if they won a battle, their enemies would escape to a man, 
but if they were beaten themselves, not one soul of them 
would survive ? 

Haunted by such thoughts, and with hearts full of despair, 
but few of them tasted food that evening; but few of 
them kindled even a fire, and many never came into camp 
at all that night, but took their rest where each chanced to 
be. They could not close their eyes for very pain and yearning 
after their fatherlands or their parents, the wife or child whom 


1 Lit, at least 10,000 stades. 


CH. I. § 3-7 


68 ANABASIS—BK. IIL lone 


they never expected to look upon again. Such was the plight 
in which each and all tried to seek repose. 

Now there was in that host a certain man, an Athenian,‘ 
Xenophon, who had accompanied Cyrus, neither as a general, 
nor as an officer, nor yet as a private soldier, but simply on 
the invitation of an old friend, Proxenus. This old friend had 
sent to fetch him from home, promising, if he would come, 
to introduce him to Cyrus, “whom,” said Proxenus, ‘I 
consider to be worth my fatherland and more to me.” 

Xenophon having read the letter, consulted Socrates the 
Athenian, whether he should accept or refuse the invitation. 
Socrates, who had a suspicion that the State of Athens might 
in some way look askance at any friendship with Cyrus,” whose 
zealous co-operation with the Lacedaemonians against Athens 
in the war was not forgotten, advised Xenophon to go to 
Delphi and there to consult the god as to the desirability of 
such a journey. Xenophon went and put the question to 
Apollo, to which of the gods he must pray and do sacrifice, 
so that he might best accomplish his intended journey and 
return in safety, with good fortune. Then Apollo answered 
him: ‘To such and such gods must thou do sacrifice,” and 
when he had returned home he reported to Socrates the 
oracle. But he, when he heard, blamed Xenophon that he 
had not, in the first instance, inquired of the god, whether it 
were better for him to go or to stay, but had taken on himself 
to settle that point affirmatively, by inquiring straightway, how 


1 The reader should turn to Grote’s comments on the first appearance of 
Xenophon. He has been mentioned, of course, more than once before ; but 
he now steps, as the protagonist, upon the scene, and as Grote says: ‘‘It is 
in true Homeric vein, and in something like Homeric language, that Xenophon 
(to whom we owe the whole narrative of the expedition) describes his dream, or 
the intervention of Oneiros, sent by Zeus, from which this renovating impulse 
took its rise’ (Grote, Hzst. of Greece, vol. ix. p. 104). “Hy 6é rus €v 7H orparta 
Eevopay "A@nvatos, ds ore orpariyés, K.T-»., cf. Hom. ZZ. v. 9. *Hy dé tus 
év Tpwecor Adpns, advetos dudpur, ipeds Hdaloroo, k.t.d. ‘‘ Now there was 
amid the Trojans Dares, rich and noble, priest of Hephaistos.”—Mr. W. Leaf. 

2 Or, ‘‘ Socrates, who suspected that a friendship with Cyrus might in some 
way be laid to his charge, and prejudice him with the state.” Cf. AZem.1. i. 4. 
For the part played by Cyrus during the last four years of the Peloponnesian 
war, B.C. 407-405, see above, Hell. I. iv.; v; II. i. Socrates’ apprehension 
was only too fully realised, if the story in any way be true that Xenophon was 
banished, Pidov ydpuv Kvpou, on the ground of friendship with Cyrus, as the 
epigram in the Life of Xenophon by Diogenes Laertius has it. 


oa} XENOPHON’S DREAM 63 


he might best perform the journey. ‘Since, however,” con- 
tinued Socrates, “ you did so put the question, you should do 
what the god enjoined.” Thus, and without further ado, 
Xenophon offered sacrifice to those whom the god had named, 
and set sail on his voyage. He overtook Proxenus and Cyrus 
at Sardis, when they were just ready to start on the march up 
country, and was at once introduced to Cyrus. Proxenus 
eagerly pressed him to stop—a request which Cyrus with like 
ardour supported, adding that as soon as the campaign was 
over he would send him home. The campaign referred to 
was understood to be against the Pisidians. That is how 
Xenophon came to join the expedition, deceived indeed, 
though not by Proxenus, who was equally in the dark with the 
rest of the Hellenes, not counting Clearchus, as to the in- 
tended attack upon the king. However, when they reached 
Cilicia, it was pretty plain to all that the expedition was really 
against the king. Then, though the majority were in appre- 
hension of the journey, which was not at all to their minds, 
yet, for very shame of one another and Cyrus, they continued 
to follow him, and with the rest went Xenophon. 

And now in this season of perplexity, he too, with the rest, 
was in sore distress, and could not sleep; but anon, getting a 
snatch of sleep, he had a dream. It seemed to him in a 
vision that there was a storm of thunder and lightning, and a 
bolt fell on his father’s house, and thereupon the house was all 
ina blaze. He sprung up in terror, and pondering the matter, 
decided that in part the dream was good: in that he had seen 
a great light from Zeus, whilst in the midst of toil and 
danger. But partly too he feared it, for evidently it had come 
from Zeus the king. And the fire kindled all around—what 
could that mean but that he was hemmed in by various 
perplexities, and so could not escape from the country of the 
king? The full meaning, however, is to be discovered from 
what happened after the dream. 

This is what took place. As soon as he was fully awake, 
the first clear thought which came into his head was, Why am I 
lying here? The night advances; with the day, it is like 
enough, the enemy will be upon us. _ If we are to fall into the 
hands of the king, what is left us but to face the most horrible 


70 ANABASIS—BK. III. etry. 
of sights, and to suffer the most fearful pains, and then to die, 
insulted, an ignominious death? To defend ourselves—to ward 
off that fate—not a hand stirs: no one is preparing, none 
cares ; but here we lie, as though it were time to rest and take 
our ease. I too! what am I waiting for? a general to under- 
take the work? and from what city? am I waiting till I am 
older myself and of riper age ?! older I shall never be, if to-day 
I betray myself to my enemies. 

Thereupon he got up, and called together first Proxenus’s 
officers; and when they were met, he said: “Sleep, sirs, 
I cannot, nor can you, I fancy, nor lie here longer, when I 
see in what straits we are. Our enemy, we may be sure, did 
not open war upon us till he felt he had everything amply 
ready ; yet none of us shows a corresponding anxiety to enter 
the lists of battle in the bravest style. 

“And yet, if we yield ourselves and fall into the king’s 
power, need we ask what our fate will be? This man, who, 
when his own brother, the son of the same parents, was dead, 
was not content with that, but severed head and hand from 
the body, and nailed them to across. We, then, who have not 
even the tie of blood in our favour, but who marched against 
him, meaning to make a slave of him instead of a king—and 
to slay him if we could: what is likely to be our fate at his 
hands? Will he not go all lengths so that, by inflicting on us 
the extreme of ignominy and torture, he may rouse in the rest 
of mankind a terror of ever marching against him any more? 
There is no question but that our business is to avoid by all 
means getting into his clutches. 

“For my part, all the while the truce lasted, I never ceased 
pitying ourselves and congratulating the king and those with 
him, as, like a helpless spectator, I surveyed the extent and 
quality of their territory, the plenteousness of their provisions, 
the multitude of their dependants, their cattle, their gold, and 
their apparel. And then to turn and ponder the condition of 
our soldiers, without part or lot in these good things, except 
we bought it; few, I knew, had any longer the wherewithal 
to buy, and yet our oath held us down, so that we could not 


1 See below for a list of passages bearing on the moot point of Xenophon's 
age at the date of the Anabaszs, p. 82. 


Oct. 22 


abe eee SPEECH TO PROXENUS’S OFFICERS 71 


provide ourselves otherwise than by purchase. I say,-as I 
reasoned thus, there were times when I dreaded the truce 
more than I now dread war. 

“ Now, however, that they have abruptly ended the truce, 
there is an end also to their own insolence and to our 
suspicion. All these good things of theirs are now set as prizes 
for the combatants. To whichsoever of us shall prove the 
better men, will they fall as guerdons; and the gods them- 
selves are the judges of the strife. The gods, who full surely 
will be on our side, seeing it is our enemies who have taken 
their names falsely ; whilst we, with much to lure us, yet for 
our oath’s sake, and the gods who were our witnesses, sternly 
held aloof. So that, it seems to me, we have a right to enter 
upon this contest with much more heart than our foes; and 
further, we are possessed of bodies more capable than theirs 
of bearing cold and heat and labour; souls too we have, 
by the help of heaven, better and braver ; nay, the men them- 
selves are more vulnerable, more mortal, than ourselves, if so 
be the gods vouchsafe to give us victory once again. 

“ Howbeit, for I doubt not elsewhere similar reflections 
are being made, whatsoever betide, let us not, in heaven’s 
name, wait for others to come and challenge us to noble deeds ; 
let us rather take the lead in stimulating the rest to valour. 
Show yourselves to be the bravest of officers, and among 
generals, the worthiest to command. For myself, if you 
choose to start forwards on this quest, I will follow; or, if you 
bid me lead you, my age shall be no excuse to stand between 
me and your orders. At least I am of full age, I take it, to 
avert misfortune from my own head.” 

Such were the speaker’s words ; and the officers, when they 
heard, all, with one exception, called upon him to put himself at 
their head. This was a certain Apollonides there present, who 
spoke in the Boeotian dialect. This man’s opinion was that 
it was mere nonsense for any one to pretend they could obtain 
safety otherwise than by an appeal to the king, if he had skill 
to enforce it; and at the same time he began to dilate on 
the difficulties. But Xenophon cut him short. “O most 
marvellous of men! though you have eyes to see, you do not 
perceive ; though you have ears to hear, you do not recollect. 


"0 ANABASIS—BK. III. lL Ocheene 


You were present with the rest of us now here when, 
after the death of Cyrus, the king, vaunting himself on that 
occurrence, sent dictatorially to bid us lay down our arms. 
But when we, instead of giving up our arms, put them on and 
went and pitched our camp near him, his manner changed. 
It is hard to say what he did not do, he was so at his wit’s 
end, sending us embassies and begging for a truce, and furnish- 
ing provisions the while, until he had got it. Or to take the 
contrary instance, when just now, acting precisely on your 
principles, our generals and captains went, trusting to the 
truce, unarmed to a conference with them, what came of it? 
what is happening at this instant? Beaten, goaded with pricks, 
insulted, poor souls, they cannot even die: though death, I 
ween, would be very sweet. And you, who know all this, how 
can you say that it is mere nonsense to talk of self-defence ? 
how can you bid us go again and try the arts of persuasion ? 
In my opinion, sirs, we ought not to admit this fellow to the 
same rank with ourselves ; rather ought we to deprive him of 
his captaincy, and load him with packs and treat him as such.! 
The man is a disgrace to his own fatherland and the whole of 
Hellas, that, being a Hellene, he is what he is.” 

Here Agasias the Stymphalian broke in, exclaiming : “ Nay, 
this fellow has no connection either with Boeotia or with Hellas, 
none whatever. I have noted both his ears bored like a 
Lydian’s.” And so it was. Him then they banished. But 
the rest visited the ranks, and wherever a general was left, they 
summoned the general; where he was gone, the lieutenant- 
general; and where again the captain alone was left, the 
captain. As soon as they were all met, they seated them- 
selves in front of the place ad’armes: the assembled generals 
and officers, numbering about a hundred. It was nearly 
midnight when this took place. 

Thereupon Hieronymus the Eleian, the eldest of Proxenus’s 
captains, commenced speaking as follows: ‘Generals and 
captains, it seemed right to us, in view of the present crisis, 
ourselves to assemble and to summon you, that we might 
advise upon some practicable course. Would you, Xenophon, 
repeat what you said to us ?” 


1 Or, “like the creature he is.” 


hs Oar NEW GENERALS TO BE CHOSEN 73 


Thereupon Xenophon spoke as follows: “We all know 
only too well, that the king and Tissaphernes have seized 
as many of us as they could, and it is clear they are plotting 
to destroy the rest of us if they can. Our business is plain: 
it is to do all we can to avoid getting into the power of the 
barbarians ; rather, if we can, we will get them into our power. 
Rely upon this then, all you who are here assembled, now 
is your great opportunity. The soldiers outside have their 
eyes fixed upon you ; if they think that you are faint-hearted, 
they will turn cowards; but if you show them that you are 
making your own preparations to attack the enemy, and 
setting an example to the rest—follow you, be assured, they 
will: imitate you they will. May be, it is but right and fair 
that you should somewhat excel them, for you are generals, 
you are commanders of brigades or of regiments ; and if, while 
it was peace, you had the advantage in wealth and position, 
so now, when it is war, you are expected to rise superior to 
the common herd—to think for them, to toil for them, when- 
ever there be need. 

“At this very moment you would confer a great boon on 
the army, if you made it your business to appoint generals 
and officers to fill the places of those that are lost. For 
without leaders nothing good or noble, to put it concisely, was 
ever wrought anywhere ; and in military matters this is absol- 
utely true; for if discipline is held to be of saving virtue, the 
want of it has been the ruin of many ere now. Well, then! 
when you have appointed all the commanders necessary, it 
would only be opportune, I take it, if you were to summon 
the rest of the soldiers and to speak some words of encour- 
agement. Even now, I daresay you noticed yourselves the 
crestfallen air with which they came into camp, the despond- 
ency with which they fell to picket duty, so that, unless there 
is a change for the better, I do not know for what service they 
will be fit; whether by night, if need were, or even by day. 
The thing is to get them to turn their thoughts to what they 
mean to do, instead of to what they are likely to suffer. Do 
that, and their spirits will soon revive wonderfully. You know, 
I need hardly remind you, it is not numbers or strength that 
gives victory in war; but, heaven helping them, to one or other 


"4 ANABASIS—<BK. ITLs= {S40 esse 
of two combatants it is given to dash with stouter hearts to 
meet the foe, and such onset, in nine cases out of ten, those 
others refuse to meet. This observation, also, I have laid to 
heart, that they, who in matters of war seek in all ways to 
save their lives, are just they who, as a rule, die dishonour- 
ably ; whereas they who, recognising that death is the common 
lot and destiny of all men, strive hard to die nobly: these 
more frequently, as I observe, do after all attain to old age, 
or, at any rate, while life lasts, they spend their days more 
happily. ‘This lesson let all lay to heart this day, for we are 
just at such a crisis of our fate. Now is the season to be 
brave ourselves, and to stimulate the rest by our example.” 

With these words he ceased ; and after him, Cheirisophus 
said: “Xenophon, hitherto I knew only so much of you as 
that you were, I heard, an Athenian, but now I must com- 
mend you for your words and for your conduct. I hope that 
there may be many more like you, for it would prove a public 
blessing.” ‘Then turning to the officers: “ And now,” said he, 
“let us waste no time; retire at once, I beg you, and choose 
leaders where you need them. After you have made your 
elections, come back to the middle of the camp, and bring the 
newly appointed officers. After that, we will there summon a 
general meeting of the soldiers. Let Tolmides, the herald,” 
he added, “be in attendance.” With these words on his lips ~ 
he got up, in order that what was needful might be done at — 
once without delay. After this the generals were chosen. 
These were Timasion the Dardanian, in place of Clearchus; 
Xanthicles, an Achaean, in place of Socrates; Cleanor, an 
Arcadian, in place of Agias; Philesius, an Achaean, in place 
of Menon; and in place of Proxenus, Xenophon the 
Athenian. 

11.—By the time the new generals had been chosen, the 
first faint glimmer of dawn had hardly commenced, as they met 
in the centre of the camp, and resolved to post an advance 
guard and to call a general meeting of the soldiers. Now, 
when these had come together, Cheirisophus the Lacedae- 
monian first rose and spoke as follows: ‘ Fellow-soldiers, the 
present posture of affairs is not pleasant, seeing that we are 
robbed of so many generals and captains and soldiers; and 


oo A COUNCIL OF WAR 75 
more than that, our former allies, Ariaeus and his men, have 
betrayed us ; still, we must rise above our circumstances to 
prove ourselves brave men, and not give in, but try to save 
ourselves by glorious victory if we can; or, if not, at least die 
gloriously, and never, while we have breath in our bodies, fall 
into the hands of our enemies. In which latter case, I fear, 
we shall suffer things, which I pray the gods may visit rather 
upon those we hate.” 

At this point Cleanor the Orchomenian stood up and 
spoke as follows: ‘You see, men, the perjury and the impiety 
of the king. You see the faithlessness of Tissaphernes, pro- 
fessing that he was next-door neighbour to Hellas, and would 
give a good deal to save us, in confirmation of which he took 
an oath to us himself, he gave us the pledge of his right 
hand, and then, with a lie upon his lips, this same man 
turned round and arrested our generals. He had no reverence 
even for Zeus, the god of strangers; but, after entertaining 
Clearchus at his own board as a friend, he used his hospitality 
to delude and decoy his victims. And Ariaeus, whom we 
offered to make king, with whom we exchanged pledges not 
to betray each other, even this man, without a particle of fear 
of the gods, or respect for Cyrus in his grave, though he was 
most honoured by Cyrus in lifetime, even he has turned aside 
.. to the worst foes of Cyrus, and is doing his best to injure the 
dead man’s friends. Them may the gods requite as they 
deserve! But we, with these things before our eyes, will not 
any more be cheated and cajoled by them; we will make the 
best fight we can, and having made it, whatever the gods 
think fit to send, we will accept.” 

After him Xenophon arose ; he was arrayed for war in his 
bravest apparel :! “For,” said he to himself, ‘if the gods grant 
victory, the finest attire will match with victory best; or if I 
must needs die, then for one who has aspired to the noblest, 
it is well there should be some outward correspondence 
between his expectation and his end.” He began his speech 


1 So it is said of the Russian General Skobelef, that he had a strange 
custom of going into’battle in his cleanest uniform, perfumed, and wearing a 
diamond-hilted sword, ‘‘in order that,” as he said, ‘‘he might die in his best 
attire.” 


76 ANABASIS—BK. III. {oO 
as follows: ‘‘Cleanor has spoken of the perjury and faithless- 
ness of the barbarians, and you yourselves know them only 
too well, I fancy. If then we are minded to enter a second 
time into terms of friendship with them, with the experience 
of what our generals, who in all confidence entrusted them- 
selves to their power, have suffered, reason would we should 
feel deep despondency. If, on the other hand, we purpose to 
take our good swords in our hands and to inflict punishment 
on them for what they have done, and from this time forward 
will be on terms of downright war with them, then, God help- 
ing, we have many a bright hope of safety.” The words were 
scarcely spoken when some one sneezed,! and with one impulse 
the soldiers bowed in worship; and Xenophon proceeded : 
“T propose, sirs, since, even as we spoke of safety, an omen 
from Zeus the Saviour has appeared, we vow a vow to sacrifice 
to the Saviour thank-offerings for safe deliverance, wheresoever 
first we reach a friendly country ; and let us couple with that 
vow another of individual assent,? that we will offer to the 
rest of the gods ‘according to our ability.’ Let all those who 
are in favour of this proposal hold up their hands.” ‘They all 
held up their hands, and there and then they vowed a vow 
and chanted the battle hymn. But as soon as these sacred ? 
matters were duly ended, he began once more thus: “I was 
saying that many and bright are the hopes we have of safety. 
First of all, we it is who confirm and ratify the oaths we take 
by heaven, but our enemies have taken false oaths and broken 
the truce, contrary to their solemn word. This being so, it is 
but natural that the gods should be opposed to our enemies, 
but with ourselves allied ; the gods, who are able to make the 
great ones quickly small, and out of sore perplexity can save 
the little ones with ease, what time it pleases them. In the 
next place, let me recall to your minds the dangers of our own 


1 For this ancient omen see Odyssey, xvii. 541 (Butcher and Lang, p. 292): 
“<Even so she spake, and Telemachus sneezed loudly, and around the roof rung 
wondrously. And Penelope laughed.”’ . . . “Dost thou not mark how my 
son has sneezed a blessing on all my words?’’ See also Aristoph. Bz7ds, 720 
(Prof. Kennedy, p. 70): “ Bird an oracle of fate, bird a sneeze you designate.’ 
In Greek the word “bird” 8pyis, or, as in the text, olwyds Tod Acés, “a bird 
of Zeus,’ means “omen.’”’ See below, p. 171, note 2. 

AO IMAG We att ee 

® Or, “when the favour of heaven seemed secured.”’ 


oes dial OMEN AND VOW 77 
forefathers, that you may see and know that bravery is your 
heirloom, and that by the aid of the gods brave men are 
rescued even out of the midst of sorest straits. So was it 
when the Persians came, and their attendant hosts,! with a very 
great armament, to wipe out Athens from the face of the earth— 
the men of Athens had the heart to withstand them and con- 
quered them. Then they vowed to Artemis that for every 
man they slew of the enemy, they would sacrifice to the god- 
dess goats so many; and when they could not find suffi- 
cient for the slain, they resolved to offer yearly five hundred ; 
and to this day they perform that sacrifice. And at a somewhat 
later date, when Xerxes assembled his countless? hosts and 
marched upon Hellas, then? too our fathers conquered the fore- 
fathers of our foes by land and by sea. 

“‘ And proofs of these things are yet to be seen in trophies ; 
but the greatest witness of all is the freedom of our cities,—the 
liberty of that land in which you were born and bred. For 
you call no man master or lord; you bow your heads to none 
save to the gods alone. Such were your forefathers, and their 
sons are ye. Think not I am going to say that you put to 
shame in any way your ancestry—far from it. Not many days 
since, you too were drawn up in battle face to face with these 
true descendants of their ancestors, and by the help of heaven 
you conquered them, though they many times outnumbered 
you. At that time, it was to win a throne for Cyrus that you 
showed your bravery; to-day, when the struggle is for your 
own salvation, what is more natural than that you should show 
yourselves braver and more zealous still. Nay, it is very meet 
and right you should be more undaunted still to-day to face 
the foe. The other day, though you had not tested them, and 
before your eyes lay their immeasurable host, you had the 
heart to go against them with the spirit of your fathers. To- 

1 See Herod. vi. 114; the allusion is to the invasion of Greece by Datis 
and Artaphernes, and to their defeat at Marathon, B.c. 490. ‘‘ Herodotus 
estimates the number of those who fell on the Persian side at 6400 men: the 
number of Athenian dead is accurately known, since all were collected for the 
last solemn obsequies—they were 192.'’—Grote, Hist. of Greece, vol. Vv. p. 475. 

2 Herodotus (vii. 185) makes the whole number of Xerxes’ army 2,641,610 
fighting men, with an even greater number of camp-followers. 

3 Then =at Salamis, B.C. 480, and at Plataea and Mycale, B.c. 479, on 
the same day. 


¥8 ANABASIS——BK. III. ogg 


Oct. 23, BC. 4or 


day you have made trial of them, and knowing that, however 
many times your number, they do not care to await your onset, 
what concern have you now to be afraid of them ? 

‘Nor let any one suppose that herein is a point of weak- 
ness, in that Cyrus’s troops, who before were drawn up by your 
side, have now deserted us, for they are even worse cowards 
still than those we worsted. At any rate they have deserted 
us, and sought refuge with them. Leaders of the forlorn hope 
of flight—far better is it to have them brigaded with the 
enemy than shoulder to shoulder in our ranks. But if any 
of you is out of heart to think that we have no cavalry, while 
the enemy have many squadrons to command, lay to heart this 
doctrine, that ten thousand horse equal only the ten thousand 
men upon their backs,! neither less nor more. Did any one 
ever die in battle from the bite or kick of a horse? It is the 
men, the real swordsmen, who do whatever is done in battles. 
In fact we, on our stout shanks, are better mounted than those 
cavalry fellows ; there they hang on to their horses’ necks in 
mortal dread, not only of us, but of falling off; while we, well 
planted upon earth, can deal far heavier blows to our assailants, 
and aim more steadily at whom we will. There is one point, I 
admit, in which their cavalry have the whip-hand of us ; it is 
safer for them than it is for us to run away. 

“* May be, however, you are in good heart about the fighting, 
but annoyed to think that Tissaphernes will not guide us any 
more, and that the king will not furnish us with a market any 
longer. Now, consider, is it better for us to have a guide like 
Tissaphernes, whom we know to be plotting against us, or to 
take our chance of the stray people whom we catch and compel 
to guide us, who will know that any mistake made in leading 
us will be a sad mistake for their own lives? Again, is it 
better to be buying provisions in a market of their providing, 
in scant measure and at high prices, without even the money 
to pay for them any longer ; or, by right of conquest, to help 
ourselves, applying such measure as suits our fancy best? 

“Or again, perhaps you admit that our present position 
is not without its advantages, but you feel sure that the rivers 
are a difficulty, and think that you were never more taken in 


1 For the humour of this passage cf. Cyvop. IV. iii. 15. 


CH. 11. § 22-26 


Oct. 23 XENOPHON’S PROPOSALS 79 


than when you crossed them ; if so, consider whether, after all, 
this is not perhaps the most foolish thing which the barbarians 
have done. No river is impassable throughout ; whatever 
_ difficulties it may present at some distance from its source, 
you need only make your way up to the springhead, and there 
you may cross it without wetting more than your ankles. But, 
granted that the rivers do bar our passage, and that guides 
are not forthcoming, what care we? We need feel no alarm 
for all that. We have heard of the Mysians,! a people 
whom we certainly cannot admit to be better than ourselves ; 
and yet they inhabit numbers of large and prosperous cities in 
the king’s own country without asking leave. The Pisidians 1? 
are an equally good instance, or the Lycaonians. We have seen 
with our own eyes how they fare: seizing fortresses down in 
the plains, and reaping the fruits of these men’s territory. 
As to us, I go so far as to assert, we ought never to have 
let it be seen that we were bent on getting home: at any rate, 
not so soon; we should have begun stocking and furnishing 
ourselves, as if we fully meant to settle down for life some- 
where or other hereabouts. JI am sure that the king would 
be thrice glad to give the Mysians as many guides as they like, 
or as many hostages as they care to demand, in return for a 
safe conduct out of his country; he would make carriage 
roads for them, and if they preferred to take their departure in 
coaches and four, he would not say them nay. So too, I 
am sure, he would be only too glad to accommodate us in the 
same way, if he saw us preparing to settle down here. But, 
perhaps, it is just as well that we did not stop; for I fear, if 
once we learn to live in idleness and to batten in luxury and 
dalliance? with these tall and handsome Median and Persian 
women and maidens, we shall be like the Lotus-eaters,? and 
forget the road home altogether. 
“Tt seems to me that it is only night, in the first instance, 
to make an effort to return to Hellas and to revisit our hearths 
and homes, if only to prove to other Hellenes that it is their 


1 Mysians, Pisidians, Lycaonians, see above, pp. 3, 7, 22, 33, 57; Cf. 
Mem. Ill. v. 26. 2 Or, ‘‘to consort with.” 

3 See Odyssey, ix. 94 (Butcher and Lang, p. 137), ‘‘ever feeding on the 
Lotus and forgetful of returning.” 


CH. 1. § 26-31 


80 ANABASIS—BK. III. Oa eee 


own faults if they are poor and needy,! seeing it is in their 
power to give to those now living a pauper life at home a free 
passage hither, and convert them into well-to-do burghers at 
once.2 Now, sirs, is it not clear that all these good things 
belong to whoever has strength to hold them? 

“Let us look another matter in the face. How are we to 
march most safely ? or where blows are needed, how are we 
to fight to the best advantage? That is the question, 

“The first thing which I recommend is to burn the wagons 
we have got, so that we may be free to march wherever the 
army needs, and not, practically, make our baggage train our 
general. And, next, we should throw our tents into the bon- 
fire also: for these again are only a trouble to carry, and do 
not contribute one grain of good either for fighting or getting 
provisions. Further, let us get rid of all superfluous baggage, 
save only what we require for the sake of war, or meat and 
drink, so that as many of us as possible may be under arms, 
and as few as possible doing porterage. I need not remind 
you that, in case of defeat, the owners’ goods are not their 
own; but if we master our foes, we will make them our 
baggage bearers. 

“Tt only rests for me to name the one thing which I look 
upon as the greatest of all. You see, the enemy did not dare 
to bring war to bear upon us until they had first seized our 
generals ; they felt that whilst our rulers were there, and we 
obeyed them, they were no match for us in war; but having 
got hold of them, they fully expected that the consequent 
confusion and anarchy would prove fatal to us. What fol- 
lows? ‘This: Officers and leaders ought to be more vigilant 
even than their predecessors ; subordinates still more orderly 
and obedient to those in command now than even they were 
to those who are gone. And you should pass a resolution 


1 Here seems to be the germ—unless, indeed, the thought had been 
conceived above, p. 54—here at any rate the first conscious expression of 
the colonisation scheme, of which we shall hear more below, in reference to 
Cotyora, p. 152; the Phasis, p. 157; Calpe, pp. 180, 183, 190. It appears 
again fifty years later in the author's pamphlet Oz Revenues, chapters i. and vi. 
For the special evils of the fourth century B.c., and the growth of pauperism 
between B.C. 401 and 338, see Jebb, A/tic Orators, vol. i. p. 17. 

* Reading rods viv olkoc dkAjpous mohitévoyvtas évOdde Kopcapévous 
movatous opay. 


On ee 3737) = AS TO THE ORDER OF MARCH 81 


that, in case of insubordination, any one who stands’ by! 
is to aid the officer in chastising the offender. So the 
enemy will be mightily deceived; for on this day they will 
behold ten thousand Clearchuses instead of one, who will 
not suffer one man to play the coward. And now it is high 
time I brought my remarks to an end, for may be the enemy 
will be here anon. Let those who are in favour of these 
proposals confirm them with all speed, that they may be real- 
ised in fact; or if any other course seem better, let not any 
one, even though he be a private soldier, shrink from proposing 
it. Our common safety is our common need.” 

After this Cheirisophus spoke. He said: ‘If there is 
anything else to be done, beyond what Xenophon has men- 
tioned, we shall be able to carry it out presently ; but with 
regard to what he has already proposed, it seems to me the 
best course to vote upon the matters at once. Those who are 
in favour of Xenophon’s proposals, hold up their hands.” 
They all held them up. Xenophon rose again and said: 
‘Listen, sirs, while I tell you what I think we have need of 
besides. It is clear that we must march where we can get pro- 
visions. Now, I am told there are some splendid villages not 
more than two miles and a half distant. I should not be sur- 
prised, then, if the enemy were to hang on our heels and dog us 
as we retire, like cowardly curs which rush out at the passer-by 
and bite him if they can, but when you turn upon them they 
run away. Such will be their tactics, I take it. It may be 
safer, then, to march in a hollow square, so as to place the 
baggage animals and our mob of sutlers in greater security. 
It will save time to make the appointments at once, and to 
settle who leads the square and directs the vanguard ; who 
will take command of the two flanks, and who of the rear- 
guard; so that, when the enemy appears, we shall not need 
to deliberate, but can at once set in motion the machinery in 
existence. 

“Tf any one has any better plan, we need not adopt mine ; 
but if not, suppose Cheirisophus takes the lead, as he is a 
Lacedaemonian, and the two eldest generals take in charge the 
two wings respectively, whilst Timasion and I, the two 

1 See below, p. 166; and cf. Xen. Pol. Lac. ii. ro. 
G 


§ 37-CH. IIT. § 3 


82 ANABASIS—BK. Il. {%™ ™§37 4 r 33 


youngest,! will for the present guard the rear. For the rest, we 
can but make experiment of this arrangement, and alter it 
with deliberation, as from time to time any improvement 
suggests itself If any one has a better plan to propose, let 


him doso.” . . . No dissentient voice was heard. Accordingly 
he said: ‘Those in favour of this resolution, hold up their 
hands.” The resolution was carried. ‘And now,” said 


he, “it would be well to separate and carry out what we have 
decreed. If any of you has set his heart on seeing his friends 
again, let him remember to prove himself a man; there is no 
other way to achieve his heart’s wish. Or is mere living an 
object with any of you, strive to conquer; if to slay is the 
privilege of victory, to die is the doom of the defeated. Or 
perhaps to gain money and wealth is your ambition, strive 
again for mastery ; have not conquerors the double gain of 
keeping what is their own, whilst they seize the possessions of 
the vanquished ?” 

u1.—The speaking was ended; they got up and retired ; 
then they burnt the wagons and the tents, and after sharing 
with one another what each needed out of their various super- 
fluities, they threw the remnant into the fire. Having done 
that, they proceeded to make their breakfasts. While they 
were breakfasting, Mithridates came with about thirty horse- 
men, and summoning the generals within earshot, he thus 
addressed them: ‘‘ Men of Hellas, I have been faithful to 
Cyrus, as you know well, and to-day I am your well-wisher ; 
indeed, I am here spending my days in great fear: if then 
I could see any salutary course in prospect, I should be 
disposed to join you with all my retainers. Please inform me, 
then, as to what you propose, regarding me as your friend 
and well-wisher, anxious only to pursue his march in your 
company.” The generals held council, and resolved to give 
the following answer, Cheirisophus acting as spokesman: 
“We have resolved to make our way through the country, 
inflicting the least possible damage, provided we are allowed a 


1 See above, III. i. 14 and 25, pp. 70, 71; and below, III. iv. 42, p. 92; 
IV. i. 6, ii. 16; V. iii. 1; VII. iii. 46; to which should be added VII. ii. 
38; VII. vi. 34; also II. vi. 15, 20, 30. ‘The inference naturally drawn 
from these and other passages is that Xenophon was a young man at the time 
of the Anabasis. 


Oveoaa PASSAGE OF THE ZAPATAS 83 


free passage homewards ; but if any one tries to hinder us, he 
will have to fight it out with us, and we shall bring all the 
force in our power to bear.” Thereat Mithridates set himself 
to prove to them that their deliverance, except with the king’s 
good pleasure, was hopeless. Then the meaning of his mission 
was plain. He was an agent in disguise; in fact, a relation 
of Tissaphernes was in attendance to keep a check on his 
loyalty. After that, the generals resolved that it would be 
better to proclaim open war, without truce or herald, as long 
as they were in the enemy’s country; for they used to come 
and corrupt the soldiers, and they were even successful with 
one officer—Nicarchus,! an Arcadian, who went off in the 
night with about twenty men. 

After this, they breakfasted and crossed the river Zapatas,? 
marching in regular order, with the beasts and camp fol- 
lowers in the middle. They had not advanced far on their 
route when Mithridates made his appearance again, with 
about a couple of hundred horsemen at his back, and bowmen 
and slingers twice as many, as nimble fellows as a man might 
hope to see.* He approached the Hellenes as if he were 
friendly ; but when they had got fairly to close quarters, all of 
a sudden some of them, whether mounted or on foot, began 
shooting with their bows and arrows, and another set with 
slings, wounding the men. ‘The rearguard of the Hellenes 
suffered for a while severely without being able to retaliate, for 
the Cretans had a shorter range than the Persians, and at 
the same time, being light-armed troops, they lay cooped up 
within the ranks of the heavy infantry, while the javelin men 
again did not shoot far enough to reach the enemy’s slingers. 
This being so, Xenophon thought there was nothing for it but 
to charge, and charge they did; some of the heavy and light 
infantry, who were guarding the rear, with him; but for all 
their charging they did not catch a single man. 

The dearth of cavalry told against the Hellenes ; nor were 
their infantry able to overhaul the enemy’s infantry, with the 
long start they had, and considering the shortness of the race, 
for it was out of the question to pursue them far from the 


1 Can this be the same man whose escape is so graphically described above, 
p. 60? 2 Zab. 3 Lit. “very nimble and active,’’ 


84 ANABASIS—BK. IIL. {Oc 


main body of the army. On the other hand, the Asiatic 
cavalry, even while fleeing, poured volleys of arrows behind 
their backs, and wounded the pursuers; while the Hellenes 
must fall back fighting every step of the way they had meas- 
ured in the pursuit; so that by the end of that day they had 
not gone much more than three miles; but in the late after- 
noon they reached the villages. 

Here there was a return of the old despondency. Cheiri- 
sophus and the eldest of the generals blamed Xenophon for 
leaving the main body to give chase and endangering himself 
thereby, while he could not damage the enemy one whit the 
more. Xenophon admitted that they were right in blaming 
him: no better proof of that was wanted than the result. 
“The fact is,” he added, ‘‘I was driven to pursue ; it was too 
trying to look on and see our men suffer so badly, and be 
unable to retaliate. However, when we did charge, there is 
no denying the truth of what you say; we were not a whit 
more able to injure the enemy, while we had considerable diffi- 
culty in beating a retreat ourselves. Thank heaven they did not 
come upon us in any great force, but were only a handful of 
men ; so that the injury they did us was not large, as it might 
have been ; and at least it has served to show us what we need. 
At present the enemy shoot and sling beyond our range, so 
that our Cretan archers are no match for them; our hand- 
throwers cannot reach as far; and when we pursue, it is not pos- 
sible to push the pursuit to any great distance from the main 
body, and within the short distance no foot-soldier, however 
fleet of foot, could overtake another foot-soldier who has a bow- 
shot the start of him. If, then, we are to exclude them from 
all possibility of injuring us as we march, we must get slingers 
as soon as possible and cavalry. Iam told there are in the 
army some Rhodians, most of whom, they say, know how to 
sling, and their missile will reach even twice as far as the Persian 
slings (which, on account of their being loaded with stones as 
big as one’s fist, have a comparatively short range; but the 
Rhodians are skilled in the use of leaden bullets)! Suppose, 


1 These words sound to me like an author's note, parenthetically, and per- 
haps inadvertently, inserted into the text. It is an ‘‘aside”’ to the reader, 
which in a modern book would appear as a footnote. See the Cyvop. for many 
similar remarks ‘‘aside,”’ 


oc. - NEED OF SLINGERS AND CAVALRY 85 
then, we investigate and find out first of all who among them 
possess ! slings, and for these slings offer the owner the money 
value; and to another, who will plait some more, hand 
over the money price ; and for a third, who will volunteer to 
be enrolled as a slinger, invent some other sort of privilege, 
I think we shall soon find people to come forward capable of 
helping us. There are horses in the army, I know; some 
few with myself, others belonging to Clearchus’s stud, and a 
good many others captured from the enemy, used for carrying 
baggage. Let us take the pick of these, supplying their places 
by ordinary baggage animals, and equipping the horses for 
cavalry. J should not wonder if our troopers gave some annoy- 
ance to these fugitives.” 

These proposals were carried, and that night two hundred 
slingers were enrolled, and next day as many as fifty horse and 
horsemen passed muster as duly qualified; buff jackets and 
cuirasses were provided for them, and a commandant of 
cavalry? appointed to command—Lycius, the son of Poly: 
stratus, by name, an Athenian. 

iv.—That day they remained inactive, but the next they 
rose earlier than usual, and set out betimes, for they had a ravine 
to cross, where they feared the enemy might attack them in the 
act of crossing. When they were across, Mithridates appeared 
again with one thousand horse, and archers and slingers to the 
number of four thousand. ‘This whole body he had got by 
request from Tissaphernes, and in return he undertook to deliver 
up the Hellenes to Tissaphernes. He had grown contemptuous 
since his late attack, when, with so small a detachment, he had 
done, as he thought, a good deal of mischief, without the 
slightest loss to himself. 

When the Hellenes were not only right across, but had 
got about a mile from the ravine, Mithridates also crossed 
with his forces. An order had been passed down the lines, what 
light infantry and what heavy infantry were to take part in the 
pursuit; and the cavalry were instructed to follow up the 


1 The Greek word is mwémavra:, a somewhat quaint old-fashioned word, 
which Xenophon uses instead of the common Attic xéxrnvra at times. See 


DieL55; mote x. 
2 Lit. ‘“hipparch’’: cf. the author's treatise, Wipparchikos, or a Cavalry 


General's Manual. 


CH. Iv. § 3-10 


86 ANABASIS—BK. III. oman 


pursuit with confidence, as a considerable support was in their 
rear. So, when Mithridates had come up with them, and they 
were well within arrow and sling shot, the bugle sounded the 
signal to the Hellenes ; and immediately the detachment under 
orders rushed to close quarters, and the cavalry charged. There 
the enemy preferred not to wait, but fled towards the ravine. 
In this pursuit the Asiatics lost several of their infantry killed, 
and of their cavalry as many as eighteen were taken prisoners 
in the ravine. As to those who were slain the Hellenes, acting 
upon impulse,! mutilated their bodies, by way of impressing 
their enemy with as frightful an image as possible. 

So fared the foe and so fell back ; but the Hellenes, con- 
tinuing their march in safety for the rest of that day, reached 
the river Tigris. Here they came upon a large deserted city, 
the name of which was Larissa:* a place inhabited by the 
Medes in days of old; the breadth of its walls was twenty-five 
feet, and the height of them a hundred, and the circuit of the 
whole two parasangs. It was built of clay-bricks, supported on 
a stone basis twenty feet high. This city the king of the 
Persians *® besieged, what time the Persians strove to snatch 
their empire from the Medes, but he could in no wise take it ; 
then a cloud hid the face of the sun and blotted out the light 
thereof, until the inhabitants were gone out of the city, and 
so it was taken. By the side of this city there was a stone 
pyramid in breadth a hundred feet, and in height two hundred 
feet ; in it were many of the barbarians who had fled for refuge 
from the neighbouring villages. ; 

From this place they marched one stage of six parasangs 
to a great deserted fortress [which lay over against the city], 
and the name of that city was Mespila.* The Medes once 


1 Lit. ‘self bidden.” 

2 Larissa, on the site of the modern Wimrud (the south-west corner, as 
is commonly supposed, of Nineveh). See Goodwin and White ad loc. The 
name is said to mean “ citadel,” and is given to various Greek cities (of which 
several occur in Xenophon—in Thessaly, He//. VI. iv. 34; in the Troad, 
Flell, II. i. 13 ; and in the Aeolid, Ae/7, III. i. 7 ; and cf. Cyvop. VIII. i. 45), 
and to the citadel of Argos, See Mr. Tozer, Geog. oy Greece, p. 379, ‘‘ Pelasgic 
names,”’ Seice: Cyrus the Great. 

4 Opposite AZosz/, the north-west portion of the ancient Nineveh, about 
eighteen miles above Larissa. ‘The circuit of Nineveh is said to have been 
about fifty-six miles, It was overthrown by Cyrus in B.C. 558. Diod. ii, 3. 


On se} = PASS LARISSA AND MESPILA 87 


dwelt in it. The basement was made of polished stone, full 
of shells; fifty feet was the breadth of it, and fifty feet the 
height ; and on this basement was reared a wall of brick, the 
breadth whereof was fifty feet and the height thereof four 
hundred; and the circuit of the wall was six parasangs. 
Hither, as the story goes, Medea,! the king’s wife, betook her- 
self in flight what time the Medes lost their empire at the 
hands of the Persians. To this city also the king of the 
Persians laid siege, but could not take it either by length of 
days or strength of hand. But Zeus sent amazement? on the 
inhabitants thereof, and so it was taken. 

From this place they marched one stage,—four parasangs. 
But, while still on this stage, Tissaphernes made his appearance. 
He had with him his own cavalry and a force belonging to 
Orontas, who had the king’s daughter to wife; and there 
were, moreover, with them the Asiatics whom Cyrus had 
taken with him on his march up; together with those whom 
the king’s brother had brought as a reinforcement to the 
king ; besides those whom Tissaphernes himself had received 
as a gift from the king, so that the armament appeared to 
be very great. When they were close, he halted some of his 
regiments at the rear and wheeled others into position on 
either flank, but hesitated to attack, having no mind appar- 
ently to run any risks, and contenting himself with an order 
to his slingers to sling and his archers to shoot. But when 
the Rhodian slingers and the bowmen,? posted at intervals, 
retaliated, and every shot told (for with the utmost pains to miss 
it would have been hard to do so under the circumstances), then 
Tissaphernes with all speed retired out of range, the other 
regiments following suit ; and for the rest of the day the one 
party advanced and the other followed. But now the Asiatics 
had ceased to be dangerous with their sharpshooting. For the 


1 The wife of Astyages, the last king of Media. Some think “ the wall of 
Media” (above, pp. 25, 50) should be “ Medea’s wall,’ constructed in the 
period of Queen Nitocris, B.C. 560. 

2 Reading éuBpovtirous move’; or with Hug, Bpovrn Karémdnée, ‘‘ with 
thunder affrighted.” 

3 The best MSS. read Dx’dat, Scythians ; if this is correct, it is only the 
technical name for “archers.”” Cf. Arrian, 7ac/. ii. 13. The police at Athens 
were technically so called, as being composed of Scythian slaves, Cf. Aristoph. 
Thesm. Lo17. 


88 ANABASIS—BK. III. Nee sien 
Rhodians could reach further than the Persian slingers, or, 
indeed, than most of the bowmen. The Persian bows are of 
great size, so that the Cretans found the arrows which were 
picked up serviceable, and persevered in using their enemies’ 
arrows, and practised shooting with them, letting them fly up- 
wards to a great height.1 There were also plenty of bowstrings 
found in the villages—and lead, which they turnec to account 
for their slings. As the result of this day, then, the Hellenes 
chancing upon some villages had no sooner encamped than 
the barbarians fell back, having had distinctly the worst of it 
in the skirmishing. 

The next was a day of inaction: they halted and took 
in supplies, as there was much corn in the villages; but on 
the day following, the march was continued through the plain 
(of the Tigris), and Tissaphernes still hung on their skirts with 
his skirmishers. And now it was that the Hellenes discovered 
the defect of marching in a square with an enemy following. 
As a matter of necessity, whenever the wings of an army so dis- 
posed draw together, either where a road narrows, or hills 
close in, or a bridge has to be crossed, the heavy infantry 
cannot help being squeezed out of their ranks, and march with 
difficulty, partly from actual pressure, and partly from the 
general confusion that ensues ; and once thrown into disorder 
that arm is practically useless. Or, supposing the wings are 
again extended, the troops have hardly recovered from their 
former distress before they are pulled asunder, and there is 
a wide space between the wings, and the men concerned lose 
confidence in themselves, especially with an enemy close behind. 
What happened, when a bridge had to be crossed or other 
passage effected, was, that each unit of the foree pressed on in 
anxiety to get over first, and at these moments it was easy 
for the enemy to make an attack. The generals accordingly, 
having recogised the defect, set about curing it. To do so, 
they made six lochi, or divisions of a hundred men apiece, 
each of which had its own set of captains and undet-officers in 


1 7.e., in practising, in order to get the maximum range they let fly the 
arrows, not horizontally, but up into the air. Sir W. Raleigh (Aés¢. of the 
World, IIl. x. 8) says that Xenophon ‘‘ trained his archers to short compass, 
who had been accustomed to the point blank,”’ but this is surely not Xenophon’s 
meaning. See Mr. Pretor ad Joc. 


poe, NEW TACTICAL FORMATION 89 
command of half and quarter companies. It was the duty of 
these new companies, during a march, whenever the flanks 
needed to close in, to fall back to the rear, so as to disen- 
cumber the wings. This they did by wheeling clear of them. 
When the sides of the oblong again extended, they filled up 
the interstices, if the gap were narrow, by columns of com- 
panies, if broader, by columns of half companies,! or, if broader 
still, by columns of quarter companies, so that the space 
between was always filled up. If again it were necessary to 
effect a passage by a bridge or otherwise, there was no con- 
fusion, the several companies crossing in turns; or, if the 
occasion arose to form in line of battle, these companies came 
up to the front and fell in.? 

In this way they advanced four stages, but ere the fifth 
was completed, they came in sight of a palace of some sort, 
with villages clustered round it; they could further see that 
the road leading to this place pursued its course over high 
undulating hillocks, the spur of the mountain range, under 
which lay the village. These knolls were a welcome sight to 
the Hellenes, naturally enough, as the enemy were cavalry. 
However, when they had issued from the plain and ascended 
the first crest, and were in the act of descending it so as to 
mount the next, at this juncture the barbarians came upon 
them. From the high ground down the sheer steep they 
poured a volley of darts, sling-stones, and arrows, which they 
discharged ‘‘under the lash,”*® wounding many, until they got 
the better of the Hellenic light troops,* and drove them for 
shelter behind the heavy infantry, so that this day that arm 


1 Vide Thuc. v. 68; and Arnold’s note ad loc.; also Prof. Jowett, Zhuc. 
vol. iil. p. 319. 

2 In the above passage I have translated \dxor companies, and, as usual, 
Noxayol captains. The half company is technically called a pentecostys, and 
a quarter company an ezomoty, and the officers in charge of them respectively 
penteconter and enomotarch. These would be equivalent nearly to our sub- 
alterns and sergeants, and in the evolutions described would act as guides and 
markers in charge of their sections. Grote thinks there were six companies 
formed on each flank —twelve in all. See “7st. of Greece, vol. ix. p. 123, 
note (zst ed.) 

3 §d paotlywy, z.e. the Persian leaders were seen flogging their men to 
the attack. Cf. Herod. vii. 22. 3. 

4 The Greek is yuyyjrwy, including javelin men (dkovticrat), bowmen 
(rogérax), and slingers (spevdovqrar). 


90 ANABASIS—BK. III. tue 
was altogether useless, huddling in the mob of sutlers, both 
slingers and archers alike. 

But when the Hellenes, being so pressed, made an attempt 
to pursue, they could barely scale to the summit, being heavy- 
armed troops, while the enemy as lightly sprung away; and 
they suffered similarly in retiring to join the rest of the army. 
And then, on the second hill, the whole had to be gone 
through again ; so that when it came to the third hillock, they 
determined not to move the main body of troops from their 
position until they had brought up a division of light infantry + 
from the right flank of the square to a point on the mountain 
range. When this detachment were once posted above their 
pursuers, the latter desisted from attacking the main body in 
its descent, for fear of being cut off and finding themselves 
between two assailants. Thus the rest of the day they moved 
on in two divisions: one set keeping to the road by the 
hillocks, the other marching parallel on the higher level 
along the mountains ; and thus they reached the villages and 
appointed eight surgeons? to attend to the many wounded. 

Here they halted three days for the sake of the wounded 
chiefly, while a further inducement was the plentiful supply 
of provisions which they found, wheat and wine, and large 
stores of barley laid up for horses. These supplies had been 
collected by? the ruling satrap of the country. On the fourth 
day they began their descent into the plain; but when Tissa- 
phernes with his force overtook them, necessity taught them 
to camp in the first village they caught sight of, and give over 
the attempt of marching and fighting simultaneously, as so 
many were hors de combat, being either on the list of wounded 
themselves, or else engaged in carrying the wounded, or laden 
with the heavy arms of those so occupied. But when they 
were once encamped, and the barbarians, advancing upon the 
village, made an attempt to harass them with their sharp- 
shooters, the superiority of the Hellenes was pronounced. 
To sustain a running fight with an enemy constantly attack- 
ing was one thing; to keep him at arm’s length from a fixed 
base of action another: and the difference was much in their 
favour. 


1 These are the “ peltasts.” CH Gia CyrOLe le View tSy SOT motores 


oman PERSIAN TACTICS 91 

But when it was late afternoon, the time had come for 
the enemy to withdraw, since the habit of the barbarian was 
never to encamp within seven or eight miles of the Hellenic 
camp. This he did in apprehension of a night attack, for a 
Persian army is good for nothing at night: Their horses are 
haltered, and, as a rule, hobbled as well,? to prevent their 
escaping, as they might if loose; so that, if any alarm occurs, 
the trooper has to saddle and bridle his horse, and then he 
must put on his own cuirass, and then mount—all which 
performances are difficult at night and in the midst of con- 
fusion. Tor this reason they always encamped at a distance 
from the Hellenes. 

When the Hellenes perceived that they were preparing to 
retire, and that the order was being given, the herald’s cry, 
“Pack up for starting,” might be heard before the enemy was 
fairly out of earshot. For a while the Asiatics paused, as if 
unwilling to be gone; but as night closed in, off they went, 
for it did not suit their notions of expediency to set off on a 
march and arrive by night. And now, when the Hellenes saw 
that they were really and clearly gone, they too broke up their 
camp and pursued their march till they had traversed seven 
and a half miles. ‘Thus the distance between the two armies 
grew to be so great, that the next day the enemy did not 
appear at all, nor yet the third day; but on the fourth the 
barbarians had pushed on by a forced night march and occu- 
pied a commanding position on the right, where the Hellenes 
had to pass. It was a narrow mountain spur? overhanging the 
descent into the plain. 

But when Cheirisophus saw that this ridge was occupied, 
he summoned Xenophon from the rear, bidding him at the 
same time to bring up the peltasts to the front. That Xenophon 
hesitated to do, for Tissaphernes and his whole army were 
coming up and were well within sight. Galloping up to the front 
himself, he asked: “ Why do you summon me?” The other 
answered him: “The reason is plain; look yonder; this crest 
which overhangs our descent has been occupied. There is 


1 Lit. within 60 stades = 74 English miles, 
2 Cf. Cyrop. V. iii. 43; and also for similar Thracian methods, below, p. 
205. 3 Lit. “a mere nail tip.” 


92 . ANABASIS—BK. III. Rape Re 


no passing, until we have dislodged these fellows ; why have 
you not brought up the light infantry ?” Xenophon explained : 
—he had not thought it desirable to leave the rear unprotected, 
with an enemy appearing in the field of view. “‘ However, it 
is time,” he added, ‘‘to decide how we are to dislodge these 
fellows from the crest.” At this moment his eye fell on the 
peak of the mountain, rising immediately above their army, 
and he could see an approach leading from it to the crest in 
question where the enemy lay. He exclaimed: “The best 
thing we can do, Cheirisophus, is to make a dash at the height 
itself, and with what speed we may. If we take it, the party 
in command of the road will never be able to stop. If you 
like, stay in command of the army, and I will go; or, if you 
prefer, do you go at the mountain, and I will stay here.”—“ I 
leave it to you,” Cheirisophus answered, ‘‘to choose which 
you like best.” Xenophon remarking, “I am the younger,” 
elected to go; but he stipulated for a detachment from the 
front to accompany him, since it was a long way to fetch up 
troops from the rear. Accordingly Cheirisophus furnished 
him with the light infantry from the front, reoccupying their 
place by those from the centre. He also gave him, to form 
part of the detachment, the three hundred of the picked 
corps! under his own command at the head of the square. 
They set out from the low ground with all the haste 
imaginable. But the enemy in position on the crest no sooner 
perceived their advance upon the summit of the pass than 
they themselves set off full tilt in a rival race for the summit 
too. Hoarse were the shouts from the Hellenic troops as the 
men cheered their companions forwards, and hoarse the an- 
swering shout from the troops of Tissaphernes, urging on theirs. 
Xenophon, mounted on his charger, rode beside his men, and 
roused their ardour the while. “Now for it, brave sirs; 
bethink you that the race is for Hellas !—now or never !— 
to find your boys, your wives; one small effort, and the rest 
of the march we shall pursue in peace, without ever a blow to 
strike ; now for it.” But Soteridas the Sicyonian said: “We 


1 Some think that these three hundred are three of the detached compahies 
described above, p. 88; others, that they were a picked corps in attendance 
on the commander-in-chief, of émlNexror. Cf. Xen. Hell. V. iii. 23 et passim. 


cua 847-c#\  XENOPHON AND SOTERIDAS 93 
are not on equal terms, Xenophon; you are mounted on a 
horse ; I can hardly get along with my shield to carry ;” and 
he, on hearing the reproach, leapt from his horse. In another 
instant he had pushed Soteridas from the ranks, snatched 
from him his shield, and begun marching as quickly as he 
might under the circumstances, having his horseman’s cuirass 
to carry as well, so that he was sore pressed ; but he continued 
to cheer on the troops: exhorting those in front to lead on and 
the men toiling behind to follow up. Soteridas was not spared 
by the rest of the men. They gave him blows, they pelted 
him, they showered him with abuse, till they compelled him 
to take back his shield and march on; and the other, remount- 
ing, led them on horseback as long as the footing held; but 
when the ground became too steep, he left his horse and 
pressed forward on foot, and so they found themselves on the 
summit before the enemy. 

v.—There and then the barbarians turned and fled as best 
they might, and the Hellenes held the summit, while the troops 
with Tissaphernes and Ariaeus turned aside and disappeared 
by another road. The main body with Cheirisophus made its 
way down into the plain and encamped in a village filled 
with good things of divers sorts. Nor did this village stand 
alone ; there were others not a few in this plain of the Tigris 
equally overflowing with plenty. It was now afternoon; and 
all of a sudden the enemy came in sight on the plain, and 
succeeded in cutting down some of the Hellenes belonging to 
parties who were scattered over the flat land in quest of spoil. 
Indeed, many herds of cattle had been caught whilst being 
conveyed across to the other side of the river. And now 
Tissaphernes and his troops made an attempt to burn the 
villages, and some of the Hellenes were disposed to take the 
matter deeply to heart, being apprehensive that they might 
not know where to get provisions if the enemy burnt the 
villages. 

Cheirisophus and his men were returning from their sally 
of defence when Xenophon and his party descended, and the 


1 Reading rots 6é dmicOev maplevar wodus Emouevas. If, with Hug and the 
better MSS., udédcs érduevos, translate ‘‘and the men behind to pass him by, 
as he could but ill keep up the pace.” 


94 ANABASIS—BK. III. Noy ee 


latter rode along the ranks as the rescuing party came up, 
and greeted them thus: ‘Do you not see, men of Hellas, 
they admit that the country is now ours ; what they stipulated 
against our doing when they made the treaty, viz. that we 
were not to fire the king’s country, they are now themselves 
doing,—-setting fire to it as if it were not their own, But we 
will be even with them ; if they leave provisions for themselves 
anywhere, there also shall they see us marching ;” and, turning 
to Cheirisophus, he added: “‘ But it strikes me, we should 
sally forth against these incendiaries and protect our country.” 
Cheirisophus retorted : “‘ That is not quite my view ; I say, let us 
do a little burning ourselves, and they will cease all the quicker.” 

When they had got back to the villages, while the rest were 
busy about provisions, the generals and officers met: and 
here there was deep despondency. For on the one side were 
exceedingly high mountains; on the other a river of such 
depth that they failed to reach the bottom with their spears. 
In the midst of their perplexities, a Rhodian came up with a 
proposal, as follows: “I am ready, sirs, to carry you across, 
four thousand heavy infantry at a time; if you will furnish me 
with what I need and give me a talent! into the bargain for 
my pains.” When asked, ‘‘ What shall you need ?” he replied : 
“Two thousand wine-skins. I see there are plenty of sheep 
and goats, oxen and asses. They have only to be flayed, and 
their skins inflated, and they will readily give us a passage. I 
shall want also the straps which you use for the baggage 
animals. With these I shall couple the skins to one another ; 
then I shall moor each skin by attaching stones and letting 
them down like anchors into the water. Then I shall carry 
them across, and when I have fastened the links at both ends, 
I shall place layers of wood on them and a coating of earth on 
the top of that. You will see in a minute that there’s no 
danger of your drowning, for every skin will be able to support 
a couple of men without sinking, and the wood and earth will 
prevent your slipping off.” 

The generals thought it a pretty invention enough, but its 
realisation impracticable, for on the other side were masses of 
cavalry posted and ready to bar the passage; who, to begin 


1 Or, £250 (the talent = £243 : 155). 


Nov 7°} = CONSULTATION AS TO ROUTE 95 
with, would not suffer the first detachment of crossers to carry 
out any item of the programme. 

Under these circumstances, the next day they turned right 
about face, and began retracing their steps in the direction of 
Babylon to the unburnt villages, having previously set fire to 
those they left, so that the enemy did not ride up to them, but 
stood and stared, all agape to see! in what direction the Hellenes 
would betake themselves and what they were minded to do. 
Here, again, while the rest of the soldiers were busy about 
provisions, the generals and officers met in council, and after 
collecting the prisoners together, submitted them to a cross- 
examination touching the whole country round, the names, and 
so forth, of each district. 

The prisoners informed them that the regions south, 
through which they had come, belonged to the district towards 
Babylon and Media; the road east led to Susa and Ecbatana, 
where the king is said to spend summer and spring ; crossing 
the river, the road west led to Lydia and Ionia; and the part 
through the mountains facing towards the Great Bear, led, they 
said, to the Carduchians.2 They were a people, so said the 
prisoners, dwelling up on the hills, addicted to war, and not 
subject to the king; so much so that once, when a royal 
army one hundred and twenty thousand strong had invaded 
them, not a man came back, owing to the intricacies of the 
country. Occasionally, however, they made truce or treaty with 
the satrap in the plain, and, for the nonce, there would be 
intercourse: “they will come in and out amongst us,” “and 
we will go in and out amongst them,” said the captives. 


1 Reading either 8uow joay Oavydfew with Sauppe; or, duo joay 
Oavpadgovow with Hug. 

2 See Dr. Kiepert, Zan. Anc. Geog. (Eng. Tr., Macmillan) iv. 47. The 
Karduchians or Kurds belong by speech to the Iranian stock, forming in fact 
their farthest outpost to the west, little given to agriculture, but chiefly to the 
breeding of cattle. Their name, pronounced Kardu by the ancient Syrians 
and Assyrians, Kordz by the Armenians (plural Kordukh), first appears in its 
narrower sense in western literature in the pages of the eye-witness Xenophon 
as Kapdodvor. Later writers knew of a small kingdom here at the time of the 
Roman occupation, ruled by native princes, who after Tigranes I]. (about 
80 B.C.) recognised the overlordship of the Armenian king. Later it became 
a province of the Sassanid kingdom, and as such was in 297 A.D. handed over 
among the vegzones transtigritanae to the Roman empire, but in 364 was again 


ceded to Persia, 


96 ANABASIS—BK. III. { ov ee ce 


After hearing these statements, the generals seated apart 
those who claimed to have any special knowledge of the 
country in any direction; they put them to sit apart without 
making it clear which particular route they intended to take. 
Finally the resolution to which they came was that they must 
force a passage through the hills into the territory of the Kurds; 
since, according to what their informants told them, when they 
had once passed these, they would find themselves in Armenia 
—the rich and large territory governed by Orontas ; and from 
Armenia, it would be easy to proceed in any direction whatever. 
Thereupon they offered sacrifice, so as to be ready to start on 
the march as soon as the right moment appeared to have 
arrived. Their chief fear was that the high pass over the 
mountains might be occupied in advance: and a general order 
was issued, that after supper every one should get his kit 
together for starting, and repose, in readiness to follow as soon 
as the word of command was given. 


BOOK IV. 1. 1-6 


[In the preceding portion of the narrative a full account is given of the 
incidents of the march up to the battle, and of the occurrences after the 
battle during the truce which was established between the king and the 
Hellenes, who marched up with Cyrus, and thirdly, of the fighting to which 
the Hellenes were exposed, after the king and Tissaphernes had broken 
the treaty, while a Persian army hung on their rear. Having finally 
reached a point at which the Tigris was absolutely impassable owing to its 
depth and breadth, while there was no passage along the bank itself, and 
the Carduchian hills hung sheer over the river, the generals took the resolu- 
tion above mentioned of forcing a passage through the mountains. The 
information derived from the prisoners taken along the way led them to 
believe that once across the Carduchian mountains they would have the 
choice either of crossing the Tigris—if they liked to do so—at its sources 
in Armenia, or of going round them, if so they preferred. Report further 
said that the sources of the Euphrates also were not far from those of the 
Tigris, and this is actually the case. The advance into the country of the 
Carduchians was conducted with a view partly to secrecy, and partly to 
speed, so as to effect their entry before the enemy could occupy the passes.1] 


1.—It was now about the last watch, and enough of the 
night remained to allow them to cross the valley under cover 
of darkness; when, at the word of command, they rose and 
set off on their march, reaching the mountains at daybreak. 
At this stage of the march Cheirisophus, at the head of his 
own division, with the whole of the light troops, led the van, 
while Xenophon followed behind with the heavy infantry of 
the rearguard, but without any light troops, since there seemed 
to be no danger of pursuit or attack from the rear, while they 
were making their way up hill. Cheirisophus reached the 


1 Lit. '‘the heights” (commanding the passes). 
H 


98 ANABASIS—BK. IV. (Rope ee 


summit without any of the enemy perceiving him. Then 
he led on slowly, and the rest of the army followed, wave 
upon .wave, cresting the summit and descending into the 
villages which nestled in the hollows and recesses of the 
hills. 

Thereupon the Carduchians abandoned their dwelling- 
places, and with their wives and children fled to the mountains ; 
so there was plenty of provisions to be got for the mere trouble 
of taking, and the homesteads too were well supplied with a 
copious store of bronze vessels and utensils which the Hel- 
lenes kept their hands off, abstaining at the same time from all 
pursuit of the folk themselves, gently handling them,! in hopes 
that the Carduchians might be willing to give them friendly 
passage through their country, since they too were enemies 
of the king: only they helped themselves to such -provisions as 
fell in their way; which indeed was a sheer necessity. But 
the Carduchians neither gave ear, when they called to them, 
nor showed any other friendly sign; and now, as the last of 
the Hellenes descended into the villages from the pass, they 
were already in the dark, since, owing to the narrowness of the 
road, the whole day had been spent in the ascent and 
descent. At that instant a party of the Carduchians, who had 
collected, made an attack on the hindmost men, killing some 
and wounding others with stones and arrows—though it was 
quite a small body who attacked. The fact was, the approach 
of the Hellenic army had taken them by surprise ; if, however, 
they had mustered in larger force at this time, the chances are 
that a large portion of the army would have been annihilated. 
As it was, they got into quarters, and bivouacked in the villages 
that night, while the Carduchians kept many watch-fires blazing 
in a circle on the mountains, and kept each other in sight all 
round. 

But with the dawn the generals and officers of the Hel- 
lenes met and resolved to proceed, taking only the necessary 
number of stout baggage animals, and leaving the weaklings 
behind. ‘They resolved further to let go free all the lately- 
captured slaves in the host; for the pace of the march was 
necessarily rendered slow by the quantity of animals and 


1 Lit. ‘‘sparing them a little.” 


Nov 332} AMONG THE CARDUCHIANS 99 
prisoners, and the number of non-combatants in attendance 
on these was excessive, while, with such a crowd of human 
beings to satisfy,! twice the amount of provisions had to 
be procured and carried. These resolutions passed, they 
caused a proclamation by herald to be made for their en- 
forcement. 

When they had breakfasted and the march recommenced, 
the generals planted themselves a little to one side in a narrow 
place, and when they found any of the aforesaid slaves or other 
property still retained, they confiscated them. The soldiers 
yielded obedience, except where some smuggler, prompted by 
desire of a good-looking boy or woman, managed to make off 
with his prize. During this day they contrived to get along 
after a fashion, now fighting and now resting. But on the 
next day they were visited by a great storm, in spite of 
which they were obliged to continue the march, owing to in- 
sufficiency of provisions. Cheirisophus was as usual leading 
in front, while Xenophon headed the rearguard, when the 
enemy began a violent and sustained attack. At one narrow 
place after another they came up quite close, pouring in volleys 
of arrows and slingstones, so that the Hellenes had no choice 
but to make sallies in pursuit and then again recoil, making 
but very little progress. Over and over again Xenophon would 
send an order to the front to slacken pace, when the enemy 
were pressing their attack severely. As a rule, when the word 
was so passed up, Cheirisophus slackened ; but sometimes ? 
instead of slackening, Cheirisophus quickened, sending down 
a counter-order to the rear to follow on quickly. It was clear 
that there was something or other happening, but there was 
no time to go to the front and discover the cause of the hurry. 
Under these circumstances the march, at any rate in the rear, 
became very like a rout, and here a brave man lost his life, 
Cleonymus the Laconian, shot with an arrow in the ribs right 
through shield and corselet, as also Basias, an Arcadian, shot 
clean through the head. 

As soon as they reached a halting-place, Xenophon, without 
more ado, came up to Cheirisophus, and took him to task for 
not having waited, “whereby, ” said he, “we were forced to 


1 Or, ‘‘so many mouths to feed.” 2 Or, “on one occasion.”’ 


” 


es ANABASIS—BK. IV. {Norn eee 
fight and flee at the same moment; and now it has cost us the 
lives of two fine fellows;! they are dead, and we were not 
able to pick up their bodies or bury them.” Cheirisophus 
answered: “Look up there,” pointing as he spoke to the 
mountain, “do you see how inaccessible it all is? only this 
one road, which you see, going straight up, and on it all that 
crowd of men who have seized and are guarding the single 
exit. That is why I hastened on, and why I could not wait 
for you, hoping to be beforehand with them yonder in seizing 
the pass: the guides we have got say there is no other way.” 
And Xenophon replied: ‘But I have got two prisoners also ; 
the enemy annoyed us so much that we laid an ambuscade 
for them, which also gave us time to recover our breaths ; we 
killed some of them, and did our best to catch one or two. 
alive—for this very reason—that we might have guides who 
knew the country, to depend upon.” 

The two were brought up at once and questioned separately: 
“Did they know of any other road than the one visible?” 
The first said zo ; and in spite of all sorts of terrors applied to 
extract a better answer—vo, he persisted. When nothing 
could be got out of him, he was killed before the eyes of his 
fellow. This latter then explained: ‘‘ Yonder man said, he 
did not know, because he has got a daughter married to a 
husband in those parts. I can take you,” he added, “by a 
good road, practicable even for beasts.”. And when asked 
whether there was any point on it difficult to pass, he replied 
that there was a col which it would be impossible to pass unless 
it were occupied in advance. 

Then it was resolved to summon the officers of the light in- 
fantry and some of those of the heavy infantry, and to acquaint 
them with the state of affairs, and ask them whether any of 
them were minded to distinguish themselves, and would step 
forward as volunteers on an expedition. Two or three heavy 
infantry soldiers stepped forward at once—two Arcadians, Aris- 
tonymus of Methydrium, and Agasias of Stymphalus—and in 
emulation of these, a third, also an Arcadian, Callimachus from 
Parrhasia, who said he was ready to go, and would get volun- 


1 Or, ‘‘good men and true’’; lit. ‘‘two beautiful and brave men.” Cf. 
lial. ‘‘ galantuomini.”’ 


ieee or oe THE PASS OCCUPIED tor 


teers from the whole army to join him. “I know,” he added, 
“there will be no lack of youngsters to follow where I lead.” 
After that they asked, “Were there any captains! of light infantry 
willing to accompany the expedition?”  Aristeas, a Chian, who 
on several occasions proved his usefulness to the army on such 
service, volunteered. 

11.—It was already late afternoon, when they ordered the 
storming party to take a snatch of food and set off ; then they 
bound the guide and handed him over to them. The agree- 
ment was, that if they succeeded in taking the summit they 
were to guard the position that night, and at daybreak to give 
a signal by bugle. At this signal the party on the summit 
were to attack the enemy in occupation of the visible pass, 
while the generals with the main body would bring up their 
succours ; making their way up with what speed they might. 
With this understanding, off they set, two thousand strong ; and 
there was a heavy downpour of rain, but Xenophon, with his 
rearguard, began advancing to the visible pass, so that the enemy 
might fix his attention on this road, and the party creeping 
round might, as much as possible, elude observation. Now 
when the rearguard, so advancing, had reached a ravine which 
they must cross in order to strike up the steep, at that instant 
the barbarians began rolling down great boulders, each a 
wagon load,” some larger, some smaller ; against the rocks they 
crashed and splintered flying like slingstones in every direction 
—so that it was absolutely out of the question even to approach 
the entrance of the pass. Some of the officers finding them- 
selves baulked at this point, kept trying other ways, nor did 
they desist till darkness set in; and then, when they thought 
they would not be seen retiring, they returned to supper. 
Some of them who had been on duty in the rearguard had 
had no breakfast (it so happened). However, the enemy never 
ceased rolling down their stones all through the night, as was 
easy to infer from the booming sound. 

The party with the guide made a circuit and surprised the 
enemy’s guards seated round their fire, and after killing some, 
and driving out the rest, took their places, thinking that they 
were in possession of the height. As a matter of fact they were 


1 Lit. ‘‘ taxiarchs.”’ 2 /,e, several ton weight. 


102 ANABASIS—BK. IV. { Mors noe 
not, for above them lay a breast-like hill+ skirted by the narrow 
road on which they had found the guards seated. Still, from 
the spot in question there was an approach to the enemy, who 
were seated on the pass before mentioned. 

Here then they passed the night, but at the first glimpse 
of dawn they marched stealthily and in battle order against 
the enemy. There was a mist, so that they could get quite 
close without being observed. But as soon as they caught 
sight of one another, the trumpet sounded, and with a loud 
cheer they rushed upon the fellows, who did not wait their 
coming, but left the road and made off; with the loss of only 
a few lives however, so nimble were they. Cheirisophus and 
his men, catching the sound of the bugle, charged up by the 
well-marked road, while others of the generals pushed their 
way up by pathless routes, where each division chanced to be ; 
the men mounting as they were best able, and hoisting one 
another up by means of their spears ; and these were the first 
to unite with the party who had already taken the position by 
storm. Xenophon, with the rearguard, followed the path 
which the party with the guide had taken, since it was easiest 
for the beasts of burthen ; one half of his men he had posted 
in rear of the baggage animals; the other half he had with 
himself. In their course they encountered a crest above the 
road, occupied by the enemy, whom they must either dislodge 
or be themselves cut off from the rest of the Hellenes. The 
men by themselves could have taken the same route as the 
rest, but the baggage animals could not mount by any other 
way than this. 

Here then, with shouts of encouragement to each other, 
they dashed at the hill with their storming columns,” not from 
all sides, but leaving an avenue of escape for the enemy, if he 
chose to avail himself of it. Fora while, as the men scrambled 
up where each best could, the natives kept up a fire of arrows 
and darts, yet did not receive them at close quarters, but pre- 
sently left the position-in flight. No sooner, however, were 
the Hellenes safely past this crest, than they came in sight of 
another in front of them, also occupied, and deemed it advis- 
able to storm it also. But now it struck Xenophon that if 


1 Or, ‘‘mamelon.”’ 
2 6pOlots Tots NOxors. See below IV. viii. g-19; V. iv. 22. 


aa + A HARD STRUGGLE 103 
they left the ridge just taken unprotected in their rear, the 
enemy might re-occupy it and attack the baggage animals as 
they filed past, presenting a long extended line owing to 
the narrowness of the road by which they made their way. 
To obviate this, he left some officers in charge of the ridge— 
Cephisodorus, son of Cephisophon, an Athenian ; Amphicrates, 
the son of Amphidemus,an Athenian; and Archagoras, an Argive 
exile—while he in person with the rest of the men attacked the 
second ridge; this they took in the same fashion, only to find 
that they had still a third knoll left, far the steepest of the 
three. This was none other than the mamelon mentioned as 
above the outpost, which had been captured over their fire 
by the volunteer storming party in the night. But when the 
Hellenes were close, the natives, to the astonishment of all, 
without a struggle deserted the knoll. It was conjectured 
that they had left their position from fear of being encircled 
and besieged, but the fact was that they, from their higher 
ground, had been able to see what was going on in the rear, 
and had all made off in this fashion to attack the rearguard. 
So then Xenophon, with the youngest men, scaled up to 
the top, leaving orders to the rest to march on slowly, so as 
to allow the hindmost companies to unite with them ; they 
were to advance by the road, and when they reached the 
level to ground arms.1. Meanwhile the Argive Archagoras 
arrived, in full flight, with the announcement that they had 
been dislodged from the first ridge, and that Cephisodorus and 
Amphicrates were slain, with a number of others besides, 
all in fact who had not jumped down the crags and so 
reached the rearguard. After this achievement the barbarians 
came to acrest facing the mamelon, and Xenophon held a 
colloquy with them by means of an interpreter, to negotiate 
a truce, and demanded back the dead bodies. These they 
agreed to restore if he would not burn their houses, and to 
these terms Xenophon agreed. Meanwhile, as the rest of the 
army filed past, and the colloquy was proceeding, all the people 
of the place had time to gather gradually, and the enemy 
formed ; and as soon as the Hellenes began to descend from 
the mamelon to join the others where the troops were halted, 


1 To take up position. 


104 ANABASIS—BK. IV. Rr 
on rushed the foe, in full force, with hue and cry, They 
reached the summit of the mamelon from which Xenophon 
was descending, and began rolling down crags. One man’s 
leg was crushed to pieces. Xenophon was left by his shield- 
bearer, who carried off his shield, but Eurylochus of Lusia,1 
an Arcadian hoplite, ran up to him, and threw his shield in 
front to protect both of them; so the two together beat a 
retreat, and so too the rest, and joined the serried ranks of 
the main body. 

After this the whole Hellenic force united, and took up 
their quarters there in numerous beautiful dwellings, with an 
ample store of provisions, for there was wine so plentiful that 
they had it in cemented cisterns. Xenophon and Cheirisophus 
arranged to recover the dead, and in return restored the 
guide ; afterwards they did everything for the dead, according 
to the means at their disposal, with the customary honours 
paid to good men.? 

Next day they set off without a guide; and the enemy, by 
keeping up a continuous battle and occupying in advance 
every narrow place, obstructed passage after passage. Ac- 
cordingly, whenever the van was obstructed, Xenophon, from 
behind, made a dash up the hills and broke the barricade, 
and freed the vanguard by endeavouring to get above the 
obstructing enemy. Whenever the rear was the point attacked, 
Cheirisophus, in the same way, made a détour, and by en- 
deavouring to mount higher than the barricaders, freed the 
passage for the rear rank; and in this way, turn and turn 
about, they rescued each other, and paid unflinching attention 
to their mutual needs. At times it happened that, the relief 
party having mounted, encountered considerable annoyance 
in their descent from the barbarians, who were so agile that 
they allowed them to come up quite close, before they turned 
back, and still escaped, partly no doubt because the only 
weapons they had to carry were bows and slings. 

‘They were, moreover, excellent archers, using bows nearly three 
cubits long and arrows more than two cubits. When discharging 
the arrow, they draw the string by getting a purchase with the 


! 7.e. of Lusi (or Lusia), a town (or district) in Northern Arcadia. 
* Or, ‘‘brave men,” dvdpdow dyabots. 


CH. I. § 28-CH. 11. ) 


§5, Nov.:78 $ REACH THE CENTRITES 105 


left foot planted forward on the lower end of the bow. ‘ The 
arrows pierced through shield and cuirass, and the Hellenes, 
when they got hold of them, used them as javelins, fitting them 
to their thongs. In these districts the Cretans were highly 
serviceable. They were under the command of Stratocles, a 
Cretan. 

1.—During this day they bivouacked in the villages 
which lie above the plain of the river Centrites,! which is about 
two hundred feet broad. It is the frontier river between 
Armenia and the country of the Carduchians. Here the 
Hellenes recruited themselves, and the sight of the plain filled 
them with joy, for the river was but six or seven furlongs 
distant from the mountains of the Carduchians. For the 
moment then they bivouacked right happily ;? they had their 
provisions, they had also many memories of the labours that 
were now passed; seeing that the last seven days spent in 
traversing the country of the Carduchians had been one long 
continuous battle, which had cost them more suffering than 
the whole of their troubles at the hands of the king and 
Tissaphernes put together. As though they were truly quit 
of them for ever, they laid their heads to rest in sweet 
content. 

But with the morrow’s dawn they espied horsemen at a 
certain point across the river, armed caf-a-pie,? as if they 
meant to dispute the passage. Infantry, too, drawn up in line 
upon the banks above the cavalry, threatened to prevent them 
debouching into Armenia. These troops were Armenian and 
Mardian and Chaldaean mercenaries belonging to Orontas and 
Artuchas. The last of the three, the Chaldaeans, were said to be 
a free and brave set of people. They were armed with long 
wicker shields and lances. The banks before named on 
which they were drawn up were a hundred yards or more 
distant from the river, and the single road which was visible 
was one leading upwards and looking like a regular artificially 
constructed highway. At this point the Hellenes endeavoured 


1 /.e. the Eastern Tigris. 

2 Or, “with a store of provisions, recounting to each other many incidents 
in the dangers now past.” 

3 Or, “completely armed.’”’ Cf. Polyb. 31, 3, 9; Plut. Cvass. 21, kard- 
ppaxrot, horses and horsemen clad in full armour. 


CH. Il. § 6-10 


106 ANABASIS——BK. IV. { Nov. 18-19, B.C. 401 


to cross, but on their making the attempt the water proved 
to be more than breast-deep, and the river bed was rough with 
great slippery stones, and as to holding their arms in the 
water, it was out of the question—the stream swept them 
away—or if they tried to carry them over the head, the 
body was left exposed to the arrows and other missiles ; 
accordingly they turned back and encamped there by the 
bank of the river. 

At the point where they had themselves been last night, 
up on the mountains, they could see the Carduchians collected 
in large numbers and under arms. A shadow of deep 
despair again descended on their souls, whichever way they 
turned their eyes—in front lay the river so difficult to ford ; 
over, on the other side, a new enemy threatening to bar the 
passage ; on the hills behind, the Carduchians ready to fall 
upon their rear should they once again attempt to cross. 
Thus for this day and night they halted, sunk in perplexity. 
But Xenophon had a dream. In his sleep he thought 
that he was bound in fetters, but these, of their own accord, 
fell from off him, so that he was loosed, and could stretch 
his legs as freely as he wished.! So at the first glimpse of 
daylight he came to Cheirisophus and told him that he had 
hopes that all things would go well, and related to him his 
dream. 

The other was well pleased, and with the first faint gleam 
of dawn the generals all were present and did sacrifice ; 
and the victims were favourable at the first essay. Retiring 
from the sacrifice, the generals and officers issued an order 
to the troops to take their breakfasts ; and while Xenophon 
was taking his, two young men came running up to him, for 
every one knew that, breakfasting or supping, he was always 
accessible, or that even if asleep any one was welcome to 


1 It is impossible to give the true sense and humour of the passage in 
English, depending, as it does, on the double meaning of diaBaivew (x) to 
cross (a river), (2) to strzde or straddle (of the legs). The army is unable 
(dca Balvecv) to cross the Centrites ; Xenophon dreams that he is fettered, but 
the chains drop off his legs and he is able (diaBaivew) to stride as freely as 
ever ; next morning the two young men come to him with the story how they 
had found themselves able (dcaBalvew) to walk across the river instead of 
having to swim it. It is obvious to Xenophon that the dream is sent from 
Heaven. See above, p, 69. 


oes kis! A FORD DISCOVERED 107 
awaken him who had anything to say bearing on the business 
of war. What the two young men had at this time to say was 
that they had been collecting brushwood for fire, and had pre- 
sently espied on the opposite side, in among some rocks which 
came down to the river’s brink, an old man and some women 
and little girls depositing, as it would appear, bags of clothes 
in a cavernous rock. When they saw them, it struck them 
that it was safe to cross ; in any case! the enemy’s cavalry could 
not approach at this point. So they stripped naked, expecting 
to have to swim for it, and with their long knives in their 
hands began crossing, but going forward crossed without being 
wet up to the fork. Once across they captured the clothes, 
and came back again. 

Accordingly Xenophon at once poured out a libation him- 
self, and bade the two young fellows fill the cup and pray to the 
gods, who showed to him this vision and to them a passage, 
to bring all other blessings for them to accomplishment. 
When he had poured out the libations, he at once led the 
two young men to Cheirisophus, and they repeated to him 
their story. Cheirisophus, on hearing it, offered libations also, 
and when they had performed them, they sent a general 
order to the troops to pack up ready for starting, while they 
themselves called a meeting of the generals and took counsel 
how they might best effect a passage, so as to overpower the 
enemy in front without suffering any loss from the men behind. 
And they resolved that Cheirisophus should lead the van and 
cross with half the army, the other half still remaining behind 
under Xenophon, while the baggage animals and the mob of 
sutlers were to cross between the two divisions. 

When all was duly ordered the move began, the young 
men pioneering them, and keeping the river on their left. It 
was about four furlongs’ march to the crossing, and as they 
moved along the bank, the squadrons of cavalry kept pace 
with them on the opposite side. 

But when they had reached a point in a line with the ford, 
and ihe clifflike banks of the river, they ordered arms,? 
and first Cheirisophus himself placed a wreath upon his brows,? 


1 Lit, “for not even,’ 2 Took up position. 
SOR JD, shag, Fa, BO (HOE INT, shite, Dae. 


108 ANABASIS—BK. IV. No oe 
and throwing off his cloak,! resumed his arms, passing the order 
to all the rest to do the same, and bade the captains form their 
companies in open order in deep columns, some to left and 
some to right of himself. Meanwhile the soothsayers were 
slaying a victim over the river, and the enemy were letting fly 
their arrows and slingstones ; but as yet they were out of range. 
As soon as the victims were favourable, all the soldiers began 
singing the battle hymn, and with the notes of the paean 
mingled the shouting of the men” accompanied by the shriller 
chant of the women, for there were many women ® in the camp. 

So Cheirisophus with his detachment stept in. But 
Xenophon, taking the most active-bodied of the rearguard, 
began running back at full speed to the passage facing the 
egress into the hills of Armenia, making a feint of crossing 
at that point to intercept their cavalry on the river bank. 
The enemy, seeing Cheirisophus’s detachment easily cross- 
ing the stream, and Xenophon’s men racing back, were 
seized with the fear of being intercepted, and fled at full 
speed in the direction of the road which emerges from the 
stream. But when they were come opposite to it they raced 
up hill towards their mountains. Then Lycius, who com- 
manded the cavalry, and Aeschines, who was in command 
of the division of light infantry attached to Cheirisophus, no 
sooner saw them fleeing so lustily than they were after them, 
and the soldiers shouted not to fall behind,* but to follow 
them right up to the mountains. Cheirisophus, on getting 
across, forbore to pursue the cavalry, but advanced by the 
bluffs which reached to the river to attack the enemy over- 
head. And these, seeing their own cavalry fleeing, seeing 
also the heavy infantry advancing upon them, abandoned the 
heights above the river. 

1 Or, “having doffed it,” z.e. the wreath, an action which the soldiers would 
perform symbolically, if Grote is right in his interpretation of the passage, Azs¢. 
of Greece, vol. ix. p. 137. 

° The Greek words dyy\ddXafov, cuvwdddugov, of the men and women 
respectively = ‘‘ shouted Alala,” and raised the joyous é\o\vyj or chant of 
invocation. Cf. Hom. AH. Ven. 19. 

3 Lit. ‘‘comrade-women”’ (ératpai, hetaerae). 

4 Or, ‘‘to stick tight to them and not to be outdone”; or, as others 


understand, ‘‘ the (infantry) soldiers clamoured not .to be left behind, but to 
follow them up into the mountains.’’ See Mr. Pretor ad doc. 


Novwo * 3°} +=PASSAGE OF THE CENTRITES 109 


Xenophon, as soon as he saw that things were going well on 
the other side, fell back with all speed to join the troops engaged 
in crossing, for by this time the Carduchians were well in sight, 
descending into the plain to attack their rear. 

Cheirisophus was in possession of the higher ground, and 
Lycius, with his little squadron, in an attempt to follow up the 
pursuit, had captured some stragglers of their baggage-bearers, 
and with them some handsome apparel and drinking-cups. 
The baggage animals of the Hellenes and the mob of non- 
combatants were just about to cross, when Xenophon turned 
his troops right about to face the Carduchians. Vis-d-vis he 
formed his line, passing the order to the captains each to form 
his company into sections, and to deploy them into line to the 
left, the captains of companies and lieutenants in command of 
sections! to advance to meet the Carduchians, while the rear 
leaders would keep their position facing the river. But when 
the Carduchians saw the rearguard so stript of the mass, and 
looking now like a mere handful of men, they advanced all the 
more quickly, singing certain songs the while. Then, as 
matters were safe with him, Cheirisophus sent back the peltasts 
and slingers and archers to join Xenophon, with orders to carry 
out his instructions. They were in the act of recrossing, when 
Xenophon, who saw their intention, sent a messenger across, 
bidding them wait there at the river’s brink without crossing ; 
but as soon as he and his detachment began to cross they were 
to step in facing him in two flanking divisions right and left 
of them, as if in the act of crossing; the javelin men with 
their javelins on the thong, and the bowmen with their arrows 
on the string ; but they were not to advance far into the stream. 
The order passed to his own men was: “ Wait till you are 
within sling-shot, and the shield rattles, then sound the paean 
and charge the enemy. As soon as he turns, and the bugle 
from the river sounds for ‘the attack,’ you will face to the 
right about, the rear rank leading, and the whole detachment 
falling back and crossing the river as quickly as possible, every 
one preserving his original rank, so as to avoid trammelling one 
another: the bravest man is he who gets to the other side first.” 

The Carduchians, seeing that the remnant left was the 


1 Lochagues and enomotarchs. See above note 2, p. 89 ; also below, p. 127. 


110 ANABASIS—BK. Iv. {yey S3eucBe Ae 


merest handful (for many even of those whose duty it was to 
remain had gone off in their anxiety to protect their beasts of 
burden, or their personal kit, or their mistresses), bore down 
upon them valorously, and opened fire with slingstones and 
arrows. But the Hellenes, raising the battle hymn, dashed 
at them at a run, and they did not await them; armed well 
enough for mountain warfare, and with a view to sudden 
attack followed by speedy flight, they were not by any means 
sufficiently equipped for an engagement at close quarters. 
At this instant the signal of the bugle was heard. Its notes 
added wings to the flight of the barbarians, but the Hellenes 
turned right about in the opposite direction, and betook them- 
selves to the river with what speed they might. Some of 
the enemy, here a man and there another, perceived, and 
running back to the river, let fly their arrows and wounded a 
few; but the majority, even when the Hellenes were well 
across, were still to be seen pursuing their flight. The detach- 
ment which came to meet Xenophon’s men, carried away by 
their valour, advanced further than they had need to, and had 
to cross back again in the rear of Xenophon’s men, and of 
these too a few were wounded. 

1v.—The passage effected, they fell into line about mid- 
day, and marched through Armenian territory, one long plain 
with smooth rolling hillocks, not less than five parasangs in 
distance ; for owing to the wars of this people with the Car- 
duchians there were no villages near the river. The village 
eventually reached was large, and possessed a palace belonging 
to the satrap, and most of the houses were crowned with 
turrets ; provisions were plentiful. 

From this village they marched two stages—ten parasangs— 
until they had surmounted the sources of the river Tigris ; and 
from this point they marched three stages—fifteen parasangs— 
to the river Teleboas. This was a fine stream, though not 
large, and there were many villages about it. The district 
was named Western Armenia. ‘The lieutenant-governor of it 
was Tiribazus, the king’s friend, and whenever the latter paid 
a visit, he alone had the privilege of mounting the king 
upon his horse. This officer rode up to the Hellenes with a 
body of cavalry, and sending forward an interpreter, stated 


ot THROUGH ARMENIA III 
that he desired a colloquy with the leaders. The generals 
resolved to hear what he had to say; and advancing on their 
side to within speaking distance, they demanded what he 
wanted. He replied that he wished to make a treaty with 
them, in accordance with which he on his side would abstain 
from injuring the Hellenes, if they would not burn his houses, 
but merely take such provisions as they needed. This proposal 
satisfied the generals, and a treaty was made on the terms 
suggested. 

From this place they marched three stages—fifteen para- 
sangs—through plain country, Tiribazus the while keeping close 
behind with his own forces more than a mile off. Presently 
they reached a palace with villages clustered round about it, 
which were full of supplies in great variety. But while they 
were encamping in the night there was a heavy fall of snow, 
and in the morning it was resolved to billet out the different 
regiments, with their generals, throughout the villages. There 
was no enemy in sight, and the proceeding seemed prudent, 
owing to the quantity of snow. In these quarters they had 
for provisions all the good things there are—sacrificial beasts, 
corn, old wines with an exquisite bouquet, dried grapes, and 
vegetables of all sorts. But some of the stragglers from the 
camp reported having seen an army, and the blaze of many 
watchfires in the night. Accordingly the generals concluded 
that it was not prudent to separate their quarters in this way, 
and a resolution was passed to bring the troops together again. 
After that they reunited, the more so that the weather promised 
to be fine with a clear sky; but while they lay there in open 
quarters, during the night down came so thick a fall of snow 
that it completely covered up the stacks of arms and the men 
themselves lying down. It cramped and crippled the baggage 
animals ; and there was great unreadiness to get up, so gently 
fell the snow as they lay there warm and comfortable, and 
formed a blanket, except where it slipped off the sleeper’s 
shoulders ; and it was not until Xenophon roused himself to 
get up, and, without his cloak on,! began to split wood, that 

1 Or, as we should say, ‘‘in his shirt sleeves." Doubtless he lay with his 


iuarvov or cloak loosely wrapped round him ; as he sprang to his feet he would 
throw it off, or it would fall off, and with the simple inner covering of the 


eo: ANABASIS—BK; IV. Nar ee 
quickly first one and then another got up,and taking the log away 
from him, fell to splitting. Thereat the rest followed suit, got 
up, and began kindling fires and oiling their bodies, for there 
was a scented unguent to be found there in abundance, which 
they used instead of oil. It was made from pig’s fat, sesame, 
bitter almonds, and turpentine. There was a sweet oil also 
to be found, made of the same ingredients. 

After this it was resolved that they must again separate 
their quarters and get under cover in the villages. At this 
news the soldiers, with much joy and shouting, rushed upon 
the covered houses and the provisions; but all who in their 
blind folly had set fire to the houses when they left them 
before, now paid the penalty in the poor quarters they got. 
From this place one night they sent off a party under Demo- 
crates, a Temenite,! up into the mountains, where the stragglers 
reported having seen watchfires. The leader selected was 
a man whose judgment might be depended upon to verify 
the truth of the matter. With a happy gift to distinguish 
between fact and fiction, he had often been successfully ap- 
pealed to. He went and reported that he had seen no 
watchfires, but he had got a man, whom he brought back 
with him, carrying a Persian bow and quiver, and a sagaris 
or battleaxe? like those worn by the Amazons. When asked 
“from what country he came,” the prisoner answered that 
he was ‘fa Persian, and was going from the army of Tiri- 
bazus to get provisions.” They next asked him “how large 
the army was, and for what object it had been collected.” 
His answer was that “it consisted of Tiribazus at the head of 
his own forces, and aided by some Chalybian and ‘Taochian 
mercenaries. Tiribazus had got it together,” he added, 
“meaning to attack the Hellenes on the high mountain pass, 
in a defile which was the sole passage.” 

When the generals heard this news, they resolved to collect 
the troops, and they set off at once, taking the prisoner to act 
as guide, and leaving a garrison behind with Sophaenetus the 


xiTey to protect him, and arms free, he fell to chopping the wood, only half 
clad. : 

1 Reading Teuwevirny, z.e. a native of Temenus, a district of Syracuse ; ad. 
Tyuvirnv, t.e. from Temnus in the Aecolid ; a/, Myyevirny, ¢.e. from Temenum 
in the Argolid. 2 Or, “bill.” 


ee oF CROSS THE EUPHRATES 113 


Stymphalian in command of those who remained in the camp. 
As soon as they had begun to cross the hills, the light infantry, 
advancing in front and catching sight of the camp, did not 
wait for the heavy infantry, but with a loud shout rushed upon 
the enemy’s entrenchment. The natives, hearing the din and 
clatter, did not care to stop, but took rapidly to their heels. 
But, for all their expedition, some of them were killed, and 
as many as twenty horses were captured, with the tent of 
Tiribazus, and its contents, silver-footed couches and goblets, 
besides certain persons styling themselves the butlers and 
bakers. As soon as the generals of the heavy infantry divi- 
sion had learnt the news, they resolved to return to the camp 
with all speed, for fear of an attack being made on the 
remnant left behind. The recall was sounded and the retreat 
commenced ; the camp was reached the same day. 

v.—The next day it was resolved that they should set off 
with all possible speed, before the enemy had time to collect 
and occupy the defile. Having got their kit and baggage to- 
gether, they at once began their march through deep snow with 
several guides, and, crossing the high pass the same day on 
which Tiribazus was to have attacked them, got safely into 
cantonments. From this point they marched three desert 
stages—fifteen parasangs—to the river Euphrates, and crossed 
it in water up to the waist. The sources of the river were 
reported to be at no great distance. From this place they 
marched through deep snow over a flat country three stages 
—fifteen parasangs+ The last of these marches was 
trying, with the north wind blowing in their teeth, drying up 
everything and benumbing the men. Here one of the seers 
suggested to them to do sacrifice to Boreas, and sacrifice 
was done. The effect was obvious to all in the diminished 
fierceness of the blast. But there was six feet of snow, so 
that many of the baggage animals and slaves were lost, and 
about thirty of the men themselves. 

They spent the whole night in kindling fire ;? for there was 
fortunately no dearth of wood at the halting-place ; only those 
who came late into camp had no wood. Accordingly those who 

Leh, Sn aayale eo onl, Gsm t 


2 Or, ‘they got through the night by keeping up a fire of wood, ” 
I 


CH. V. 


* ANABASIS—BK, IV. gk 


9 op 
mn 
1 
” 
n 


had arrived a good while and had kindled fires were not for 
allowing these late-comers near their fires, unless they would 
in return give a share of their corn or of any other victuals they 
might have. Here then a general exchange of goods was 
set up. Where the fire was kindled the snow melted, and 
great trenches formed themselves down to the bare earth, and 
here it was possible to measure the depth of the snow. 

Leaving these quarters, they marched the whole of the next 
day over snow, and many of the men were afflicted with 
“boulimia” (or hunger-faintness), Xenophon, who was guard- 
ing the rear, came upon some men who had dropt down, 
and he did not know what ailed them; but some one who 
was experienced in such matters suggested to him that they 
had evidently got boulimia ; and if they got something to eat, 
they would revive. Then he went the round of the baggage 
train, and laying an embargo on any eatables he could see, 
doled out with his own hands, or sent off other able-bodied 
agents to distribute to the sufferers, who as soon as they had 
taken a mouthful got on their legs again and continued the 
march. 

On and on they marched, and about dusk Cheirisophus 
reached a village, and surprised some women and girls who 
had come from the village to fetch water at the fountain out- 
side the stockade. These asked them who they were. The 
interpreters answered for them in Persian: “They were on 
their way from the king to the satrap ;” in reply to which the 
women gave them to understand that the satrap was not at 
home, but was away a parasang farther on. As it was late 
they entered with the water-carriers within the stockade to 
visit the headman of the village. Accordingly Cheirisophus 
and as many of the troops as were able got into cantonments 
there, while the rest of the soldiers—those namely who were 
unable to complete the march—had to spend the night out, 
without food and without fire; under the circumstances some 
of the men perished. 

On the heels of the army hung perpetually bands of the 
enemy, snatching away disabled baggage animals and fighting 
with each other over the carcases. And in its track not 
seldom were left to their fate disabled soldiers, struck down 


aye § a SUFFERINGS FROM COLD 115 


with snow-blindness or with toes mortified by frostbite. As 
to the eyes, it was some alleviation against the snow to march 
with something black before them; for the feet, the only 
remedy was to keep in motion without stopping for an instant, 
and to loose the sandal at night. If they went to sleep with 
the sandals on, the thong worked into the feet, and the sandals 
were frozen fast to them. ‘This was partly due to the fact 
that, since their old sandals had failed, they wore untanned 
brogues made of newly-flayed ox-hides. It was owing to some 
such dire necessity that a party of men fell out and were left 
behind, and seeing a black-looking patch of ground where the 
snow had evidently disappeared, they conjectured it must have 
been melted ; and this was actually so, owing to a spring of 
some sort which was to be seen steaming up in a dell close by. 
To this they had turned aside and sat down, and were loth to 
goastep further. But Xenophon, with his rearguard, perceived 
them, and begged and implored them by all manner of means 
not to be left behind, telling them that the enemy were after 
them in large packs pursuing ; and he ended by growing angry. 
They merely bade him put a knife to their throats; not one 
step farther would they stir.1 Then it seemed best to frighten 
the pursuing enemy if possible, and prevent their falling upon 
the invalids. It was already dusk, and the pursuers were 
advancing with much noise and hubbub, wrangling and dis- 
puting over their spoils. Then all of a sudden the rearguard, 
in the plenitude of health and strength,” sprang up out of their 
lair and ran upon the enemy, whilst those weary wights* bawled 
out as loud as their sick throats could sound, andclashed their 
spears against their shields; and the enemy in terror hurled 
themselves through the snow into the dell, and not one of 
them ever uttered a sound again. 

Xenophon and his party, telling the sick folk that next day 
people would come for them, set off, and before they had gone 
half a mile they fell in with some soldiers who had laid down 
to rest on the snow with their cloaks wrapped round them, 
but never a guard was established, and they made them get 


1 Or, ‘‘ for it was impossible for them to go a step farther.” 
2 Hug, after Rehdantz, would omit the words Gre wyaivovres = ‘‘in the 
plenitude of health and strength.” # Or, ‘‘ the invalids,” 


116 ANABASIS—BK. IV. eee 
up. Their explanation was that those in front would not move 
on. Passing by this group he sent forward the strongest of his 
light infantry in advance, with orders to find out what the 
stoppage was. They reported that the whole army lay reposing 
in the same fashion. That being so, Xenophon’s men had 
nothing for it but to bivouac in the open air also, without fire 
and supperless, merely posting what pickets they could under the 
circumstances. But as soon as it drew towards day, Xenophon 
despatched the youngest of his men to the sick folk behind, with 
orders to make them get up and force them to proceed. Mean- 
while Cheirisophus had sent some of his men quartered in the 
village to enquire how they fared in the rear ; they were over- 
joyed to see them, and handed over the sick folk to them to 
carry into camp, while they themselves continued their march 
forwards, and ere twenty furlongs were past reached the village 
in which Cheirisophus was quartered. As soon as the two divi- 
sions were met, the resolution was come to that it would be safe 
to billet the regiments throughout the villages ; Cheirisophus 
remained where he was, while the rest drew lots for the villages 
in sight, and then, with their several detachments, marched off 
to their respective destinations. 

It was here that Polycrates, an Athenian and captain of a 
company, asked for leave of absence—he wished to be off on 
a quest of his own; and putting himself at the head of the 
active men of the division, he ran to the village which had been 
allotted to Xenophon. He surprised within it the villagers with 
their headman, and seventeen young horses which were being 
reared as a tribute for the king, and, last of all,the headman’s own 
daughter, a young bride only eight days wed. Her husband 
had gone off to chase hares, and so he escaped being taken with 
the other villagers. The houses were underground structures 
with an aperture like the mouth of a well by which to enter, 
but they were broad and spacious below. ‘The entrance for the 
beasts of burden was dug out, but the human occupants 
descended by a ladder. In these dwellings were to be found 
goats and sheep and cattle, and cocks and hens, with their 
various progeny. The flocks and herds were all reared under 
cover upon green food. There were stores within of wheat 
and barley and vegetables, and wine made from barley in great 


ope ge GOOD VILLAGE QUARTERS 117 
big bowls ; the grains of barley malt lay floating in the beverage 
up to the lip of the vessel, and reeds lay in them, some longer, 
some shorter, without joints; when you were thirsty you must 
take one of these into your mouth, and suck. The beverage 
without admixture of water was very strong, and of a delicious 
flavour to certain palates, but the taste must be acquired. 

Xenophon made the headman of the village his guest at 
supper, and bade him keep a good heart ; so far from robbing 
him of his children, they would fill his house full of good 
things in return for what they took before they went away ; 
only he must set them an example,! and discover some blessing 
or other for the army, until they found themselves with another 
tribe. To this he readily assented, and with the utmost cor- 
diality showed them the cellar where the wine was buried. 
For this night then, having taken up their several quarters as 
described, they slumbered in the midst of plenty, one and 
all, with the headman under watch and ward, and his children 
with him safe in sight. 

But on the following day Xenophon took the headman 
and set off to Cheirisophus, making a round of the villages, and 
at each place turning in to visit the different parties. Every- 
where alike he found them faring sumptuously and merry- 
making. There was not a single village where they did not 
insist on setting a breakfast before them,? and on the same 
table were spread half a dozen dishes at least, lamb, kid, pork, 
veal, fowls, with various sorts of bread, some of wheat and 
some of barley. When, as an act of courtesy, any one wished 
to drink his neighbour’s health, he would drag him to the big 
bowl, and when there, he must duck his head and take a long 
pull, drinking like an ox. The headman, they insisted every- 
where, must accept as a present whatever he liked to have. 
But he would accept nothing, except where he espied any of 
his relations, when he made a point of taking them off, him 
or her, with himself. 

When they reached Cheirisophus they found a similar scene. 

1 Or, ‘‘he must prove his inventiveness and give some profitable informa- 


tion to the army.” 
2 Or, ‘‘it was the same story everywhere, they would not let them go till 


they had served them with breakfast, and had set before them half a dozen 
dishes,”’ etc. 


118 ANABASIS—BK. IV. Ba Ee ie 5 


There too the men were feasting in their quarters, garlanded 
with whisps of hay and dry grass, and Armenian boys were 
playing the part of waiters in barbaric costumes, only they 
had to point out by gesture to the boys what they were to do, 
like deaf and dumb. After the first formalities, when Cheiri- 
sophus and Xenophon had greeted one another like bosom 
friends, they interrogated the headman in common by means 
of the Persian-speaking interpreter, “ What was the country?” 
they asked: he replied, “ Armenia.” And again, ‘“‘ For whom 
are the horses being bred?” ‘‘ They are tribute for the king,” 
he replied. ‘And the neighbouring country?” “Is the 
land of the Chalybes,” he said; and he described the road 
which led to it. So for the present Xenophon went off, 
taking the headman back with him to his household and 
friends. He also made him a present of an oldish horse 
which he had got ; he had heard that the headman was a priest 
of the sun, and so he could fatten up the beast and sacrifice 
him; otherwise he was afraid it might die outright, for it 
had been injured by the long marching. For himself he 
took his pick of the colts, and gave a colt apiece to each of 
his fellow-generals and officers. The horses here were 
smaller than the Persian horses, but much more spirited. It 
was here too that their friend the headman explained to them, 
how they should wrap small bags or sacks round the feet of 
the horses and other cattle when marching through the snow, 
for without such precautions the creatures sank up to their 
bellies. 

v1.—When a week had passed, on the eighth day Xenophon 
delivered over the guide! (that is to say, the village headman) 
to Cheirisophus. He left the headman’s household safe behind 
in the village, with the exception of his son, a lad in the bloom 
of youth. This boy was entrusted to Episthenes of Amphipolis 
to guard ; if the headman proved himself a good guide, he was 
to take away his son also at his departure. They finally made his 
house the repository of all the good things they could contrive 
to get together ; then they broke up their camp and commenced 
the march, the headman guiding them through the snow un- 
fettered. When they had reached the third stage Cheirisophus 

1 Lit. “him (the headman) as guide,” 


oy NEW ENEMIES 119 


flew into a rage with him, because he had not brought them to 
any villages. The headman pleaded that there were none 
in this part. Cheirisophus struck him, but forgot to bind 
him, and the end of it was that the headman ran away in the 
night and was gone, leaving his son behind him. This was the 
sole ground of difference between Cheirisophus and Xenophon 
during the march, this combination of ill-treatment and neglect 
in the case of the guide. As to the boy, Episthenes conceived 
a passion for him, and took him home with him, and found in 
him the most faithful of friends. 

After this they marched seven stages at the rate of five 
parasangs a day, to the banks of the river Phasis,! which is a 
hundred feet broad: and thence they marched another couple 
of stages, ten parasangs ; but at the pass leading down into the 
plain there appeared in front of them a mixed body of Chalybes 
and Taochians and Phasians. When Cheirisophus caught sight 
of the enemy on the pass at a distance of about three or 
four miles, he ceased marching, not caring to approach the 
enemy with his troops in column, and he passed down the order 
to the others: to deploy their companies to the front, that the 
troops might form into line. As soon as the rearguard had come 
up, he assembled the generals and officers, and addressed them: 
“The enemy, as you see, are in occupation of the mountain 
pass, it is time we should consider how we are to make the 
best fight to win it. My opinion is, that we should give orders 
to the troops to take their morning meal, whilst we deliberate 
whether we should cross the mountains to-day or to-morrow.” 
“My opinion,” said Cleanor, “is, that as soon as we have 
breakfasted, we should arm for the fight and attack the enemy, 
without loss of time, for if we fritter away to-day, the enemy 
who are now content to look at us, will grow bolder, and with 
their growing courage, depend upon it, others more numerous 
will join them.” 

After him Xenophon spoke: “This,” he said, “is how I 
see the matter; if fight we must, let us make preparation to 
sell our lives dearly, but if we desire to cross with the greatest 
ease, the point to consider is, how we may get the fewest 
wounds and throw away the smallest number of good men. 


1 Probably a tributary of the Araxes=modern Paszn-Su, possibly it had 
this local name. 


120 ANABASIS—BK, IV. Ree ae, 
Well then, that part of the mountain which is visible stretches 
nearly seven miles! Where are the men posted to intercept 
us? except at the road itself, they are nowhere to be seen. 
It is much better then to try if possible to steal a point of 
this desert mountain unobserved, and before they know where 
we are, secure the prize, than to fly at a strong position and 
an enemy thoroughly prepared. Since it is much easier to 
march up a mountain without fighting than to tramp along 
a: level when assailants are on either hand; and provided he 
has not to fight, a man will see what lies at his feet much more 
plainly even at night than in broad daylight in the midst of 
battle ; and a rough road to feet that roam in peace may be 
pleasanter than a smooth surface with the bullets whistling 
about your ears. Nor is it so impossible, I take it, to steal a 
march, since it is open to us to go by night, when we cannot 
be seen, and to fall back so far that they will never notice us. 
In my opinion, however, if we make a feint of attacking here, 
we shall find the mountain chain all the more deserted else- 
where, since the enemy will be waiting for us here in thicker 
swarm. 

“But what right have I to be drawing conclusions about 
stealing in your presence, Cheirisophus? for you Lacedae- 
monians, as I have often been told, you who belong to the 
‘peers,’ practise stealing from your boyhood up; and it is 
no disgrace but honourable rather to steal, except such things 
as the law forbids ; and in order, I presume, to stimulate your 
sense of secretiveness, and to make you master thieves, it is 
lawful for you further to get a whipping, if you are caught. 
Now then you have a fine opportunity of displaying your 
training. But take care we are not caught stealing over the 
mountain, or we shall catch it ourselves.” ‘For all that,” 
retorted Cheirisophus, “I have heard that you Athenians are 
clever hands at stealing the public moneys; and that too 
though there is fearful risk for the person so employed ; but, 
I am told, it is your best men who are most addicted to it; if 
it is your best men who are thought worthy to rule. So it is 
a fine opportunity for yourself also, Xenophon, to exhibit your 


1 Lit. ‘‘more than sixty stades.”’ 
2 Or, more lit., ‘‘ with the head a mark for missiles.”’ 


oy STEALING A MARCH 12t 
education.” ‘‘And I,” replied Xenophon, ‘‘am ready to 
take the rear division, as soon as we have supped, and seize 
the mountain chain. I have already got guides, for the light 
troops laid an ambuscade, and seized some of the cut-purse 
vagabonds who hung on our rear. I am further informed 
by them that the mountain is not inaccessible, but is grazed 
by goats and cattle, so that if we can once get hold of any 
portion of it, there will be no difficulty as regards our animals 
—they can cross. As to the enemy, I expect they will not 
even wait for us any longer, when they once see us on a level 
with themselves on the heights, for they do not even at present 
care to come down and meet us on fair ground.” Cheirisophus 
answered : “‘ But why should you go and leave your command 
in the rear? Send others rather, unless.a band of volunteers 
will present themselves. Thereupon Aristonymus the Methy- 
drian came forward with some heavy infantry, and Aristeas. 
the Chian with some light troops, and Nicomachus the Oetean 
with another body of light troops, and they made an agree- 
ment to kindle several watch-fires as soon as they held the 
heights. The arrangements made, they breakfasted ; and after 
breakfast Cheirisophus advanced the whole army ten furlongs 
closer towards the enemy, so as to strengthen the impression 
that he intended to attack them at that point. 

But as soon as they had supped and night had fallen, the 
party under orders set off and occupied the mountain, while 
the main body rested where they were. Now as soon as the 
enemy perceived that the mountain was taken, they banished 
all thought of sleep, and kept many watch-fires blazing through 
the night. But at break of day Cheirisophus offered sacrifice, 
and began advancing along the road, while the detachment 
which held the mountain advanced pari passu by the high 
ground. The larger mass of the enemy, on his side, remained 
still on the mountain-pass, but a section of them turned to 
confront the detachment on the heights. Before the main 
bodies had time to draw together, the detachment on the 
height came to close quarters, and the Hellenes were victori- 
ous and gave chase. Meanwhile the light division of the 
Hellenes, issuing from the plain, were rapidly advancing against 
the serried lines of the enemy, whilst Cheirisophus followed up 


122 ANABASIS=BivtIng “5 
with his heavy infantry at quick march. But the enemy on the 
road no sooner saw their higher division being worsted than 
they fled, and some few of them were slain, and a vast number 
of wicker shields were taken, which the Hellenes hacked to 
pieces with their short swords and rendered useless. So when 
they had reached the summit of the pass, they sacrificed and 
set up a trophy, and descending into the plain, reached villages 
abounding in good things of every kind. 

vul.—After this they marched into the country of the 
Taochians five stages—thirty parasangs—and provisions failed ; 
for the Taochians lived in strong places, into which they 
had carried up all their stores. Now when the army arrived 
before one of these strong places—a mere fortress, without city 
or houses, into which a motley crowd of men and women and 
numerous flocks and herds were gathered—Cheirisophus 
attacked at once. When the first regiment fell back tired, 
a second advanced, and again a third, for it was impossible 
to surround the place in full force, as it was encircled by 
a river. Presently Xenophon came up with the rearguard, 
consisting of both light and heavy infantry, whereupon 
Cheirisophus hailed him with the words: “In the nick of 
time you have come; we must take this place, for the troops 
have no provisions, unless we take it.” Thereupon they con- 
sulted together, and to Xenophon’s inquiry, ‘‘What it was 
which hindered their simply walking in?” Cheirisophus 
replied, “There is just this one narrow approach which you 
see; but when we attempt to pass by it they roll down volleys 
of stones from yonder overhanging crag,” pointing up, “ and 
this is the state in which you find yourself, if you chance to be 
caught ;” and he pointed to some poor fellows with their legs 
or ribs crushed to bits. ‘‘ But when they have expended their 
ammunition,” said Xenophon, “there is nothing else, is there, 
to hinder our passing? Certainly, except yonder handful of 
fellows, there is no one in front of us that we can see; and of 
them, only two or three apparently are armed, and the dis- 
tance to be traversed under fire is, as your eyes will tell you, 
about one hundred and fifty feet as near as can be, and of 
this space the first hundred is thickly covered with great pines 
at intervals; under cover of these, what harm can come to our 


CH. VII. § 6- 


13, Jan. 3 STORM A TAOCHIAN FORTRESS 123 


men from a pelt of stones, flying or rolling? So then, there 
is only fifty feet left to cross, during a lull of stones.” 
“Ay,” said Cheirisophus, “but with our first attempt to 
approach the bush a galling fire of stones commences.” ‘The 
very thing we want,” said the other, “for they will use up their 
ammunition all the quicker; but let us select a point from 
which we shall have only a brief space to run across, if we 
can, and from which it will be easier to get back, if we wish.” 

Thereupon Cheirisophus and Xenophon set out with Calli- 
machus the Parrhasian, the captain in command of the off- 
cers of the rearguard that day; the rest of the captains remained 
out of danger. That done, the next step was for a party of 
about seventy men to get away under the trees, not in a body, 
but one by one, every one using his best precaution; and 
Agasias the Stymphalian, and Aristonymus the Methydrian, 
who were also officers of the rearguard, were posted as sup- 
ports outside the trees; for it was not possible for more than 
a single company to stand safely within the trees. Here Calli- 
machus hit upon a pretty contrivance—he ran forward from 
the tree under which he was posted two or three paces, and 
as soon as the stones came whizzing, he retired easily, but 
at each excursion more than ten wagon-loads of rocks were 
expended. Agasias, seeing how Callimachus was amusing 
himself, and the whole army looking on as spectators, was 
seized with the fear that he might miss his chance of being first 
to run the gauntlet of the enemy’s fire and get into the place. 
So, without a word of summons to his next neighbour, Aris- 
tonymus, or to Eurylochus of Lusia, both comrades of his, or 
to any one else, off he set on his own account, and passed the 
whole detachment. But Callimachus, seeing him tearing past, 
caught hold of his shield by the rim, and in the meantime 
Aristonymus the Methydrian ran past both, and after him 
Eurylochus of Lusia; for they were one and all aspirants to 
valour, and in that high pursuit, each was the eager rival of 
the rest. So in this strife of honour, the four of them took the 
fortress, and when they had once rushed in, not a stone more 
was hurled from overhead. 

And here a terrible spectacle displayed itself: the women 
first cast their infants down the cliff, and then they cast them- 


\ Jan. 3-22, B.C. 400 
o 


124 ANABASIS—BK. IV. ie lace 


selves after their fallen little ones, and the men likewise. In 
such a scene, Aeneas the Stymphalian, an officer, caught sight 
of a man with a fine dress about to throw himself over, and 
seized hold of him to stop him; but the other caught him to 
his arms, and both were gone in an instant headlong down the 
crags, and were killed. Out of this place the merest handful 
of human beings were taken prisoners, but cattle and asses in 
abundance and flocks of sheep. 

From this place they marched through the Chalybes ! seven 
stages, fifty parasangs. ‘These were the bravest men whom 
they encountered on the whole march, coming cheerily to close 
quarters with them. They wore linen corslets reaching to the 
groin, and instead of the ordinary “wings” or basques, a 
thickly-plaited fringe of cords. They were also provided with 
greaves and helmets, and at the girdle a short sabre, about as 
long as the Laconian dagger, with which they cut the throats 
of those they mastered, and after severing the head from 
the trunk they would march along carrying it, singing and 
dancing, when they drew within their enemy’s field of view.” 
They carried also a spear fifteen cubits long, lanced at one 
end.? This folk stayed in regular townships,* and whenever 
the Hellenes passed by they invariably hung close on their 
heels fighting. They had dwelling-places in their fortresses, 
and into them they had carried up their supplies, so that the 
Hellenes could get nothing from this district, but supported 
themselves on the flocks and herds they had taken from the 
Taochians. After this the Hellenes reached the river Har- 
pasus, which was four hundred feet broad. Hence they 
marched through the Scythenians four stages—twenty para- 
sangs—through a long level country to more villages, among 
which they halted three days, and got in supplies. 


1 These are the Armeno-Chalybes, so called by Pliny in contradistinction 
to another mountain tribe in Pontus so named, who were famous for their 
forging, and from whom steel received its Greek name xarup. With these 
latter we shall make acquaintance later on. See below, p. 146; see Mr. 
Pretor ad loc., and Dr. Kiepert’s Man. of Anc. Geog. (Eng. tr. Mr. G. A. 
Macmillan), iv. 49, 58. 

* Or, ‘‘ whenever they were to be seen by the enemy.”’ 

* /.e. with a single point or spike only, the Hellenic spear having a spike 
at the butt end also. 

4 Or, ‘‘remained in their townships, but whenever . . . 


. 


ead: THE SEA! THE SEA! 125 
Passing on from thence in four stages of twenty parasangs, 
they reached a large and prosperous well-populated city, which 
went by the name of Gymnias,! from which the governor of the 
country sent them a guide to lead them through a district 
hostile to his own. ‘This guide told them that within five days 
he would lead them to a place from which they would see the 
sea, “and,” he added, “if I fail of my word, you are free to 
take my life.” Accordingly he put himself at their head; but 
he no sooner set foot in the country hostile to himself than he 
fell to encouraging them to burn and harry the land ; indeed his 
exhortations were so earnest, it was plain that it was for this he 
had come, and not out of the good-will he bore the Hellenes. 

On the fifth day they reached the mountain, the name of 
which was Theches.2 No sooner had the men in front 
ascended it and caught sight of the sea than a great cry arose, 
and Xenophon, with the rearguard, catching the sound of it, 
conjectured that another set of enemies must surely be attacking 
in front; for they were followed by the inhabitants of the 
country, which was all aflame ; indeed the rearguard had killed 
some and captured others alive by laying an ambuscade; they 
had taken also about twenty wicker shields, covered with the 
raw hides of shaggy oxen. 

But as the shout became louder and nearer, and those who: 
from time to time came up, began racing at the top of their 
speed towards the shouters, and the shouting continually re- 
commenced with yet greater volume as the numbers increased, 
Xenophon settled in his mind that something extraordinary 
must have happened, so he mounted his horse, and taking 
with him Lycius and the cavalry, he galloped to the rescue. 
Presently they could hear the soldiers shouting and passing on 
the joyful word, Zhe sea/ the sea! 

Thereupon they began running, rearguard and all, and the 

1 Gymnias is supposed (by Grote, Azst. of Greece, vol. ix. p. 161) to be 
the same as that which is now called Gumisch-Kana,—perhaps ‘‘ at no great 
distance from Baibut,’’ Tozer, Turkish Armenia, p. 432. Others have identi- 
fied it with Erzeroum, others with Ispir. See Mr. Pretor ad doc. ; 

2 Some MSS. give ‘‘the sacred mountain.” The height in question has 
been identified with ‘‘the ridge called Tekieh-Dagh to the east of Gumisch- 
Kana, nearer to the sea than that place’’ (Grote, 2d. p. 162), but the exact 


place from which they caught sight of the sea has not been identified as yet, 
and other mountain ranges have been suggested. See map. 


126 ANABASIS=—BRo V1 { Se 
baggage animals and horses came galloping up. But when 
they had reached the summit, then indeed they fell to embrac- 
ing one another—generals and officers and all—and the tears 
trickled down their cheeks. And on a sudden, some one, who- 
ever it was, having passed down the order, the soldiers began 
bringing stones and erecting a great cairn, whereon they dedi- 
cated a host of untanned skins, and staves, and captured wicker 
shields, and with his own hand the guide hacked the shields to 
pieces, inviting the rest to follow his example. After this the 
Hellenes dismissed the guide with a present raised from the 
common store, to wit, a horse, a silver bowl, a Persian dress, 
and ten darics ; but what he most begged to have were their 
rings, and of these he got several from the soldiers. So, 
after pointing out to them a village where they would find 
quarters, and the road by which they would proceed towards 
the land of the Macrones, as evening fell, he turned his back 
upon them in the night and was gone. 

viil.—From this point the Hellenes marched through the 
country of the Macrones three stages,—ten parasangs, and 
on the first day they reached the river, which formed the 
boundary between the land of the Macrones and the land 
of the Scythenians. Above them, on their right, they had a 
country of the sternest and ruggedest character, and on their 
left another river, into which the frontier river discharges itself, 
and which they must cross. This was thickly fringed with 
trees which, though not of any great bulk, were closely packed. 
As soon as they came up to them, the Hellenes proceeded to 
cut them down in their haste to get out of the place as soon 
as possible. But the Macrones, armed with wicker shields 
and lances and hair tunics, were already drawn up to receive 
them immediately opposite the crossing. They were cheering 
one another on, and kept up a steady pelt of stones into the 
river, though they failed to reach the other side or do any 
harm. 

At this juncture one of the light infantry came up to Xeno- 
phon; he had been, he said, a slave at Athens, and he wished 
to tell him that he recognised the speech of these people. ‘I 
think,” said he, “this must be my native country, and if there 
is no objection I will have a talk with them.” ‘No objection 


fan. gecFeb. 2 } THE MACRONES ; THE COLCHIANS 127 
at all,” replied Xenophon, “ pray talk to them, and ask them 
first, who they are.” In answer to this question they said, 
“they were Macrones.” ‘Well, then,” said he, “ask them 
why they are drawn up in battle and want to fight with us.” 
They answered, ‘“‘Because you are invading our country.” 
The generals bade him say: ‘‘If so, it is with no intention cer- 
tainly of doing it or you any harm: but we have been at war 
with the king, and are now returning to Hellas, and all we want 
is to reach the sea.” The others asked, ‘‘ Were they willing to 
give them pledges to that effect?” They replied: “Yes, they 
were ready to give and receive pledges to that effect.” Then 
the Macrones gave a barbaric lance to the Hellenes, and the 
Hellenes a Hellenic lance to them: ‘for these,” they said, 
“would serve as pledges,” and both sides called upon the gods 
to witness. 

After the pledges were exchanged, the Macrones fell to 
vigorously hewing down trees and constructing a road to help 
them across, mingling freely with the Hellenes and fraternis- 
ing in their midst, and they afforded them as good a market 
as they could, and for three days conducted them on their 
march, until they had brought them safely to the confines 
of the Colchians. At this point they were confronted by a 
great mountain chain, which however was accessible, and on 
it the Colchians were drawn up for battle. In the first in- 
stance, the Hellenes drew up opposite in line of battle, as 
though they were minded to assault the hill in that order ; 
but afterwards the generals determined to hold a council of 
war, and consider how to make the fairest fight. 

Accordingly Xenophon said: “I am not for advancing in 
line, but advise to form into column of sections. To begin 
with, the line,” he urged, “would be scattered and thrown 
into disorder at once; for we shall find the mountain full of 
inequalities, it will be pathless here and easy to traverse there. 
The mere fact of first having formed in line, and then seeing the 
line thrown into disorder, must exercise a disheartening effect. 
Again, if we advance several deep, the enemy will none the less 
overlap us, and turn their superfluous numbers to account as 
best they like; while, if we march in shallow order, we may 


1 See above for this formation, p. 102. 


128 ANABASIS—BK. IV. qo oe 


fully expect our line to be cut through and through by the 
thick rain of missiles and rush of men, and if this happen 
anywhere along the line, the whole line will equally suffer. 
No; my notion is to form columns by companies,! covering 
ground sufficient with spaces between the companies to allow 
the last companies of each flank to be outside the enemy’s 
flanks. Thus we shall with our extreme companies be outside 
the enemy’s line, and the best men at the head of their 
columns will lead the attack, and every company will pick its 
way where the ground is easy ; also it will be difficult for the 
enemy to force his way into the intervening spaces, when there 
are companies on both sides; nor will it be easy for him to 
cut in twain any individual company marching in column. If, 
too, any particular company should be pressed, the neighbour- 
ing company will come to the rescue, or if at any point any 
single company succeed in reaching the height, from that 
moment not one man of the enemy will stand his ground.” 
This proposal was carried, and they formed into columns 
by companies. Then Xenophon, returning from the right wing 
to the left, addressed the soldiers. ‘“‘ Men,” he said, “ these men 
whom you see in front of you are the sole obstacles still inter- 
posed between us and the haven of our hopes so long deferred. 
We will swallow them up whole, without cooking,’ if we can.” 
The several divisions fell into position, the companies were 
formed into columns, and the result was a total of something 
like eighty companies of heavy infantry, each company con- 
sisting on an average of a hundred men. ‘The light infantry 
and bowmen were arranged in three divisions—two outside to 
support the left and the right respectively, and the third in 
the centre—each division consisting of about six hundred men.* 


1 Or, ‘‘to advance in a line of company columns.”’ 

* For this formation, see The Retreat of the Ten Thousand; a military 
study for all time, by Lieut.-General J. L. Vaughan, C.B. 

% Or, “we will gobble them raw.’’ He is thinking of the Homeric line 
(Iliad, iv. 35) mov BeBpwOors IIpiawoy . . . ‘‘ Perchance wert thou to enter 
within the gates and long walls and devour Priam raw, and Priam’s sons and 
all the Trojans, then mightest thou assuage thine anger.’’—Leaf. 

4 This suggests 1800 as the total of the /elfasts, 8000 as the total of the 
hoplites, but the companies were probably not limited to too, and under 
‘“peltasts’’ were perhaps included other light troops. See above, p. 5, 
note 7 ; and below, p. 175, note 3. 


os Feb. sae y POISONOUS HONEY 129 


Before starting, the generals passed the order to’ offer 
prayer ; and with the prayer and battle hymn rising from their 
lips they commenced their advance. Cheirisophus and Xeno- 
phon, and the light infantry with them, advanced outside the 
enemy’s line to right and left, and the enemy, seeing their 
advance, made an effort to keep parallel and confront them, 
but in order to do so, as he extended partly to right and partly 
to left, he was pulled to pieces, and there was a large space or 
hollow left in the centre of his line. Seeing them separate 
thus, the light infantry attached to the Arcadian battalion, under 
commana of Aeschines, an Acarnanian, mistook the movement 
for flight, and with a loud shout rushed on, and these were the 
first to scale the mountain summit; but they were closely 
followed up by the Arcadian heavy infantry, under command 
of Cleanor of Orchomenus. 

When they began running in that way, the enemy stood 
their ground no longer, but betook themselves to flight, one 
in one direction, one in another, and the Hellenes scaled the 
hill and found quarters in numerous villages which contained 
supplies in abundance. Here, generally speaking, there was 
nothing to excite their wonderment, but the numbers of bee- 
hives were indeed astonishing, and so were certain properties 
of the honey.t The effect upon the soldiers who tasted the 
combs was, that they all went for the nonce quite off their 
heads, and suffered from vomiting and diarrhoea, with a total 
inability to stand steady on their legs. A small dose produced 
a condition not unlike violent drunkenness, a large one an 
attack very like a fit of madness, and some dropped down, appa- 
rently at death’s door. So they lay, hundreds of them, as if 
there had been a great defeat, a prey to the cruellest despond- 
ency.” But the next day, none had died ; and almost at the 
same hour of the day at which they had eaten they recovered 
their senses, and on the third or fourth day got on their legs 
again like convalescents after a severe course of medical treat- 
ment. 


1 «Modern travellers attest the existence, in these regions, of honey in- 
toxicating and poisonous. . . . They point out the Azalea Pontica as the 
flower from which the bees imbibe this peculiar quality.’’--Grote, Hzst. of 
Greece, vol. ix. p. I55- 

2 Or, ‘‘and there was widespread despondency.”’ 

K 


130 ANABASIS—BK. IV. (ee 


From this place they marched on two stages—seven para- 
sangs—and reached the sea at Trapezus,’ a populous Hellenic 
city on the Euxine Sea, a colony of the Sinopeans, in the ter- 
ritory of the Colchians. Here they halted about thirty days 
in the villages of the Colchians, which they used as a base of 
operations to ravage the whole territory of Colchis. The 
men of Trapezus supplied the army with a market, entertained 
them, and gave them, as gifts of hospitality, oxen and wheat 
and wine. Further, they negotiated with them in behalf of 
their neighbours the Colchians, who dwelt in the plain for the 
most part, and from this folk also came gifts of hospitality in 
the shape of cattle. And now the Hellenes made preparation 
for the sacrifice which they had vowed,” and a sufficient num- 
ber of cattle came in for them to offer thank-offerings for safe 
guidance to Zeus the Saviour, and to Heracles,? and to the 
other gods, according to their vows. ‘They instituted also a 
gymnastic contest on the mountain side, just where they were 
quartered, and chose Dracontius, a Spartan+ (who had been 
banished from home when a lad, having unintentionally slain 
another boy with a blow of his dagger), to superintend the 
course, and be president of the games. 

As soon as the sacrifices were over, they handed over the 
hides of the beasts to Dracontius, and bade him lead the way 
to his racecourse. He merely waved his hand and pointed to 
where they were standing, and said, “ There, this ridge is just 
the place for running, anywhere, everywhere.” ‘‘ But how,” 
it was asked, “ will they manage to wrestle on the hard scrubby 
ground?” ‘Oh! worse knocks for those who are thrown,” the 
president replied. There was a mile race for boys, the 
majority being captive lads; and for the long race more than 
sixty Cretans competed ; there was wrestling, boxing, and the 
pankration.® Altogether it was a beautiful spectacle. There 
was a large number of entries, and the emulation, with their 


1 Trebizond, 2 See above, p. 76. 

° Or, ‘‘to sacrifice to Zeus the Preserver, and to Heracles thank-offerings 
for safe guidance,” Heracles (“Hyeuwy) the conductor having special sympathy 
with wanderers. , 

4 For the position of the Spartans in the Laconian constitution, see Miiller’s 
Dorians, bk. iii. ch. x. vol. ii. p. 195 foll. (Eng. trans.) ; Arist. Pod. ii. 9, 15. 

5 The pankration combined both wrestling and boxing. 


CH. vit. § 27-28 ) 


a A gee GAMES AT TRAPEZUS 131 


companions, male and female, standing as spectators,: was 
immense. ‘There was horse-racing also; the riders had to 
gallop down a steep incline to the sea, and then turn and 
come up again to the altar, and on the descent more than 
half rolled head over heels, and then back they came toiling 
up the tremendous steep, scarcely out of a walking pace. Loud 
were the shouts, the laughter, and the cheers. 


BOOK V. 1. 1-4 


[In the preceding portion of the narrative a detailed account is given 
of all that the Hellenes did, and how they fared on the march up with 
Cyrus ; and also of all that befell them on their march subsequently, until 
they reached the seaboard of the Euxine Sea, or Pontus, and the Hellenic 
city of Trapezus, where they duly offered the sacrifice for safe deliverance 
which they had vowed to offer as soon as they set foot on a friendly soil. } 


1.—After this they met and took counsel concerning the 
remainder of the march. The first speaker was Antileon of 
Thurli. He rose and said: “For my part, sirs, I am weary 
by this time of getting kit together and packing up for a 
start, of walking and running and carrying heavy arms, and 
of tramping along in line, or mounting guard, and doing battle. 
The sole desire I now have is to cease from all these pains, 
and for the future, since here we have the sea before us, to 
sail on and on, ‘stretched out in sleep,’ like Odysseus,! and 
so to find myself in Hellas.” When they heard these remarks, 
the soldiers showed their approval with loud cries of “ well 
said,” and then another spoke to the same effect, and then 
another, and indeed all present. Then Cheirisophus got up 
and said: “I have a friend, sirs, who, as good hap will have it, 
is now high admiral,? Anaxibius. If you like to send me to 
him, I think I can safely promise to return with some men-of- 
war and other vessels which will carry us. All you have to 
do, if you are really minded to go home by sea, is to wait 
here till I come. I will be back ere long.” The soldiers were 


1 See Od, xiii. 116. 2 Lit. “navarch.”’ 


Feb. Mae, 10} CONSULTATIONS AT TRAPEZUS 133 


delighted at these words, and voted that Cheirisophus should 
set sail on his mission without delay. 

After him Xenophon got up, and spoke as follows: 
*‘ Cheirisophus, it is agreed, sets out in search of vessels, and 
we are going to await him. Let me tell you what, in my 
opinion, it is reasonable to do while we are waiting. First of 
all, we must provide ourselves with necessaries from hostile 
territory, for there is not a sufficient market, nor, if there were, 
have we, with a few solitary exceptions, the means of purchase. 
Now, the district is hostile, so that if you set off in search of 
provisions without care and precaution, the chances are that 
many of us will be lost. To meet this risk, I propose that we 
should organise foraging parties to capture provisions, and, 
for the rest, not roam about the country at random. The 
organisation of the matter should be left to us.” (The 
resolution was passed.) ‘Please listen to another proposal ;” 
he continued: ‘Some of you, no doubt, will be going out to 
pillage. It will be best, I think, that whoever does so should 
in each case before starting inform us of his intent, and in 
what direction he means to go, so that we may know the 
exact number of those who are out and of those who stop 
behind. Thus we shall be able to help in preparing and start- 
ing the expedition where necessary ; and in case of aid or re- 
inforcements being called for, we shall know in what direction 
to proceed ; or, again, if the attempt is to be undertaken by 
raw or less expert hands, we may throw in the weight of our 
experience and advice by endeavouring to discover the strength 
of those whom they design to attack.” This proposal was also 
carried. ‘Here is another point,” he continued, ‘to which 
I would draw your attention. Our enemies will not lack 
leisure to make raids upon us: nor is it unnatural, that they 
should lay plots against us ; for we have appropriated what is 
theirs ; they are seated over us ever on the watch.’ I propose 
then that we should have regular outposts round the camp. 
If we take it in succession to do picket and outlook duty, 
the enemy will be less able to harry us. And here is another 
point for your observation ; supposing we knew for certain 
that Cheirisophus must return with a sufficient number of 


1 /.e, in their eyries above, 


134 ANABASIS—BK. V. eee ae 
vessels, there would be no need of the remark, but as that 
is still problematical, I propose that we should try and get to- 
gether vessels on the spot also. If he comes and finds us 
already provided for here, we shall have more ships than we 
need, that is all; while, if he fails to bring them, we shall have 
the local supply to fall back upon. I see ships sailing past per- 
petually, so we have only to ask the loan of some war-ships from 
the men of Trapezus, and we can bring them into port, and 
safeguard them with their rudders unshipped, until we have 
enough to carry us. By this course I think we shall not fail of 
finding the means of transport requisite.” That resolution was 
also passed. He proceeded: “Consider whether you think it 
equitable to support by means of a general fund the ships’ com- 
panies which we so impress, while they wait here for our benefit, 
and to agree upon a fare, on the principle of repaying kind- 
nesses in kind.” That too was passed. ‘‘ Well then,” said he, 
“in case, after all, our endeavours should not be crowned with 
success, and we find that we have not vessels enough, I propose 
that we should enjoin on the cities along the seaboard the 
duty of constructing and putting in order the roads, which we 
hear are impassable. They will be only too glad to obey, no 
doubt, out of mere terror and their desire to be rid of us.” 
This last proposal was met by loud cries and protestations 
against the idea of going by land at all. So, perceiving their 
infatuation, he did not put the question to the vote, but 
eventually persuaded the cities voluntarily to construct roads 
by the suggestion, “If you get your roads in good order, 
we shall all the sooner be gone.” They further got a fifty- 
oared galley from the Trapezuntines, and gave the command 
of it to Dexippus, a Laconian, one of the perioeci.! This 
man altogether neglected to collect vessels on the offing, but 
slunk off himself, and vanished, ship and all, out of Pontus. 
Later on, however, he paid the penalty of his misdeeds. He 
became involved in some meddling and making in Thrace at 
the court of Seuthes, and was put to death by the Laconian 
Nicander. ‘They also got a thirty-oared galley, the command 
1 A native of the country parts of Laconia. For the position of the peri- 


oeci in the Laconian constitution, see Miiller’s Dorzans, ii. 18. As to 
Dexippus, we shall hear of him again, below, pp. 172, 1go foll. 


Meee} 6 THEY-ATTACK THE DRILAE 135 
of which was entrusted to Polycrates, an Athenian, and that 
officer brought into harbour to the camp all the vessels he 
could lay his hands on. If these were laden, they took out 
the freights and appointed guards to keep an eye on their 
preservation, whilst they used the ships themselves for transport 
service on the coast. While matters stood at this point, the 
Hellenes used to make forays with varying success ; sometimes 
they captured prey and sometimes they failed. On one occa- 
sion Cleaenetus led his own and another company against 
a strong position, and was killed himself, with many others 
of his party. 

11.—The time came when it was no longer possible to cap- 
ture provisions, going and returning to the camp in one day. 
In consequence of this, Xenophon took some guides from the 
Trapezuntines and led half the army out against the Drilae, 
leaving the other half to guardthe camp. That was necessary, 
since the Colchians, who had been ousted from their houses, 
were assembled thickly, and sat eyeing them from the heights 
above ; on the other hand the Trapezuntines, being friendly to 
the native inhabitants, were not for leading the Hellenes to 
places where it was easy to capture provisions. But against 
the Drilae, from whom they personally suffered, they would 
lead them with enthusiasm, up into mountainous and scarcely 
accessible fortresses, and against the most warlike people of 
any in the Pontus. 

But when the Hellenes had reached the uplands, the Drilae 
set fire to all their fastnesses which they thought could be 
taken easily, and beat a retreat ; and except here and there a 
stray pig or bullock or other animal which had escaped the 
fire there was nothing to capture; but there was one fastness 
which served as their metropolis: into this the different streams 
of people collected ; round it ran a tremendously deep ravine, 
and the approaches to the place were difficult. So the light 
infantry ran forward five or six furlongs in advance of the heavy 
infantry, and crossed the ravine; and seeing quantities of 
sheep and other things, proceeded to attack the place. Close 
at their heels followed a number of those who had set out on 
the foray armed with spears, so that the storming party across 
the ravine amounted to more than two thousand. But, finding 


136 ANABASIS—BK. V. (Ree 


that they could not take the place by a couwp-de-main, as there 
was a trench-running round it, mounded up some breadth, with 
a stockade on the top of the earthwork and a close-packed 
row of wooden bastions, they made an attempt to run back, 
but the enemy fell upon them from the rear. To get away 
by a sudden rush! was out of the question, since the descent 
from the fortress into the ravine only admitted of moving in 
single file. Under the circumstances they sent to Xenophon, 
who was in command of the heavy infantry. The messenger 
came and delivered his message: “There is a fastness choke 
full of all sorts of stores, but we cannot take it, it is too strong ; 
nor can we easily get away; the enemy rush out and deliver 
battle, and the return is difficult.” 

On hearing this, Xenophon pushed forward his heavy 
infantry to the edge of the ravine, and there ordered them to 
take up a position, while he himself with the officers crossed 
over to determine whether it were better to withdraw the party 
already across, or to bring over the heavy infantry also, on 
the supposition that the fortress might be taken. In favour of 
the latter opinion it was agreed that the retreat must cost 
many lives, and the officers were further disposed to think, 
they could take the place. Xenophon consented, relying on 
the victims, for the seers had announced, that there would be 
a battle, but that the result of the expedition would be good. 
So he sent the officers to bring the heavy troops across, while 
he himself remained, having drawn off? all the light infantry 
and forbidden all sharp-shooting at long range. As soon as the 
heavy infantry had arrived, he ordered each captain to form 
his company, in whatever way he hoped to make it most 
effective in the coming struggle. Side by side together they 
stood, these captains, not for the first time to-day competitors 
for the award of manly virtue. While they were thus employed, 
he—the general—was engaged in passing down his order along 
the ranks of the light infantry and archers respectively to 
march with the javelin on its thong and the arrow to the string, 
ready at the word ‘‘shoot” to discharge their missiles, while 
the light troops were to have their wallets well stocked with 


1 Lit. ‘‘to make a bolt for it.’’ 
2 Lit. ‘‘having retired the peltasts.”’ 


ie hot THEIR CITADEL STORMED 137 
sling-stones ; lastly, he despatched his adjutants to see to the 
proper carrying out of these orders. 

And now the preparations were complete: the officers and 
lieutenants and all others claiming to be the peers of these, 
were drawn up in their several places. With a glance each 
was able to command the rest in the crescent-like disposi- 
tion which the ground invited. Presently the notes of the 
battle hymn arose, the clarion spoke, and with a thrilling 
cry! in honour of the warrior-god, commenced a rush of 
the heavy infantry at full speed under cover of a storm of 
missiles, lances, arrows, bullets, but most of all stones hurled 
from the hand with ceaseless pelt, while there were some who 
brought firebrands to bear. Overwhelmed by this crowd of 
missiles, the enemy left their stockades and their bastion 
towers, which gave Agasias the Stymphalian and Philoxenus 
of Pellene a chance not to be missed; laying aside their 
heavy arms, up they went in bare tunics only, and one hauled 
another up, and meantime another had mounted, and the place 
was taken, as they thought. Then the peltasts and light 
troops rushed in and began snatching what each man could. 
Xenophon the while, posted at the gates, kept back as many of 
the hoplites as he could, for there were other enemies now visible 
on certain strong citadel heights ; and after a lapse of no long 
time a shout arose within, and the men came running back,’ 
some still clutching what they had seized ; and presently here 
and there a wounded man; and mighty was the jostling about 
the portals. To the questions which were put to them the out- 
pouring fugitives repeated the same story: there was a citadel 
within and enemies in crowds were making savage sallies and 
beating the fellows inside. 

At that Xenophon ordered Tolmides the herald to proclaim : 
“Enter all who are minded to capture aught.” In poured the 
surging multitude, and the counter-current of persons elbowing 
their passage in prevailed over the stream of those who issued 
forth, until they beat back and cooped up the enemy within the 
citadel again. So outside the citadel everything was sacked 
and pillaged by the Hellenes, and the heavy infantry took up 


1 Lit. ‘‘Eleleu,” see above, p. 29; Hel/. II. iv. 17. 
? Or, ‘‘ within, followed by a stampede of fugitives.” 


138 ANABASIS—BK, V. 1a 


their position, some about the stockades, others along the road 
leading up to the citadel. Xenophon and the officers mean- 
time considered the possibility of taking the citadel, for if so, 
their safety was assured; but if otherwise, it would be very 
difficult to get-away. As the result of their deliberations they 
agreed that the place was impregnable. Then they began 
making preparations for the retreat. Each set of men proceeded 
to pull down the palisading which faced themselves ; further, 
they sent away all who were useless or who had enough to 
do to carry their burdens, with the mass of the heavy infantry 
accompanying them ; the officers in each case leaving behind 
men whom they could severally depend upon. 

But as soon as they began to retreat, out rushed upon them 
from within a host of fellows, armed with wicker shields and 
lances, greaves and Paphlagonian helmets. Others might be 
seen scaling the houses on this side and that of the road 
leading into the citadel. Even pursuit in the direction of the 
gates leading to the citadel was dangerous, since the enemy 
kept hurling down on them great beams from above, so that 
to stop and to make off were alike dangerous, and night 
approaching was full of terrors. But in the midst of their 
fighting and their despair some god gave them a means of safety. 
All of a sudden, by whatsoever hand ignited, a flame shot up ; 
it came from a house on the right hand, and as this gradually 
fell in, the people from the other houses on the right took to 
their heels and fled. 

Xenophon, laying this lesson of fortune to heart,! gave orders 
to set fire to the left-hand houses also, which being of wood 
burned quickly, with the result that the occupants of these 
also took to flight. The men immediately at their front were 
the sole annoyance now, and these were safe to fall upon 
them as they made their exit and in their descent. Here then 
the word was passed for all who were out of range to bring 
up logs of wood and pile them between themselves and the 
enemy, and when there was enough of these they set them 
on fire; they also fired the houses along the trench-work itself, 
so as to occupy the attention of the enemy. ‘Thus they got off, 
though with difficulty, and escaped from the place by putting 


1 Or, ‘‘ taking the hint, which chance had given him,”’ 


ee et TO CERASUS 139 
a fire between them and the enemy; and the whole city was 
burnt down, houses, turrets, stockading, and everything belong- 
ing to it except the citadel. 

Next day the Hellenes were bent on getting back with the 
provisions; but as they dreaded the descent to Trapezus, 
which was precipitous and narrow, they laid a false ambuscade, 
and a Mysian, called after the name of his nation (Mysus),! 
took ten of the Cretans and halted in some thick brushy ground, 
where he made a feint of endeavouring to escape the notice of 
the enemy. The glint of their light shields, which were of 
brass, now and again gleamed through the brushwood. The 
enemy, seeing it all through the thicket, were confirmed in their 
fears of an ambuscade. But the army meanwhile was quietly 
making its descent ; and when it appeared that they had crept 
down far enough, the signal was given to the. Mysian to flee 
as fast as he could, and he, springing up, fled with his men. 
The rest of the party, that is the Cretans, saying, ‘‘We are 
caught if we race,” left the road and plunged into a wood, and 
tumbling and rolling down the gullies, were saved. The 
Mysian, fleeing along the road, kept crying for assistance, which 
they sent him, and picked him up wounded. ‘The party of 
rescue now beat a retreat themselves with their face to the foe, 
exposed to a shower of missiles, to which some of the Cretan 
bowmen responded with their arrows. In this way they all 
reached the camp in safety. 

111.—Now when Cheirisophus did not arrive, and the sup- 
ply of ships was insufficient, and to get provisions longer was 
impossible, they resolved to depart. On board the vessels 
they embarked the sick, and those above forty years of age, with 
the boys and women, and all the baggage which the soldiers 
were not absolutely forced to take for their own use. The 
two eldest generals, Philesius and Sophaenetus, were put in 
charge, and so the party embarked, while the rest resumed 
their march, for the road was now completely constructed. 
Continuing their march that day and the next, on the third 
they reached Cerasus, a Hellenic city on the sea, and a 
colony of Sinope, in the country of the Colchians. Here they 
halted ten days, and there was a review and numbering of the 


1 Lit. ‘‘ Mvods (Mysus), a Mysian by birth, and Mvods (Mysus) by name.” 


140 ANABASIS—BK. V. (hee 
troops under arms, when there were found to be eight thousand 
six hundred men. So many had escaped ; the rest had perished 
at the hands of the enemy, or by reason of the snow, or else 
disease. 

At this time and place they divided the money accruing 
from the captives sold, and a tithe selected for Apollo and 
Artemis of the Ephesians was divided between the generals, 
each of whom took a portion to guard for the gods, Neon the 
Asinaean ! taking on behalf of Cheirisophus. 

Out of the portion which fell to Xenophon he caused a 
dedicatory offering to Apollo to be made and dedicated among 
the treasures of the Athenians at Delphi.? It was inscribed 
with his own name and that of Proxenus, his friend, who was 
killed with Clearchus. The gift for Artemis of the Ephesians 
was, in the first instance, left behind by him in Asia at the time 
when he left that part of the world himself with Agesilaus on 
the march into Boeotia.? He left it behind in charge of Mega- 
byzus, the sacristan of the goddess, thinking that the voyage on 
which he was starting was fraught with danger. In the event of 
his coming out of it alive, he charged Megabyzus to restore to him 
the deposit ; but should any evil happen to him, then he was to 
cause to be made and to dedicate on his behalf to Artemis, 
whatsoever thing he thought would be pleasing to the goddess. 

In the days of his banishment,* when Xenophon was now 
established by the Lacedaemonians as a colonist in Scillus,° a 


1 7,e, of Asine, perhaps the place named in Thuc. iv. 13, 54; vi. 93, 
situated on the western side of the Messenian bay. Strabo, however, speaks 
of another Asine near Gytheum, but possibly means Las. See Arnold's note 
to Thuc. iv. 13, and Smith's Dzct. Geog. (s. v.) ‘ 

° Cf. Herod. i. 14; Strabo ix. 420 for such private treasuries at Delphi. 

° 7.e, in the year B.C. 394. The circumstances under which Agesilaus 
was recalled from Asia, with the details of his march and the battle of Coronea, 
are described by Xenophon in the fourth book of the Hedlenica. 

4 Or, ‘‘after his banishment.” 

© Scillus (ZxcAdXovs), a town of Triphylia, a district of Elis, In B.c. 572 
the Eleians had razed Pisa and Scillus to the ground. But between B.C. 392 
and 387 the Lacedaemonians, having previously (B.c. 400, He//. III. ii. 30) 
compelled the Eleians to renounce their supremacy over their dependent cities, 
colonised Scillus and eventually gave it to Xenophon, then an exile from 
Athens. Xenophon resided here from fifteen to twenty years, but was, it is 
said, expelled from it by the Eleians soon after the battle of Leuctra, in B.C. 
371.—Dict. Geog. (s. v.) The site of the place, and of Xenophon’s temple, 
is supposed to be in the neighbourhood of the modern village of Chrestena, 


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oly Seki AUTOBIOGRAPHIC 141 
place which lies on the main road to Olympia, Megabyzus 
arrived on his way to Olympia as a spectator to attend the 
games, and restored to him the deposit. Xenophon took the 
money and bought for the goddess a plot of ground at a point 
indicated to him by the oracle. The plot, it so happened, had 
its own Selinus river flowing through it, just as at Ephesus the 
river Selinus flows past the temple of Artemis, and in both 
streams fish and mussels are to be found. On the estate at 
Scillus there is hunting and shooting of all the beasts of the 
chase that are. 

Here with the sacred money he built an altar and a temple, 
and ever after, year by year, tithed the fruits of the land in 
their season and did sacrifice to the goddess, while all the 
citizens and neighbours, men and women, shared in the festival. 
The goddess herself provided for the banqueters meat and 
loaves and wine and sweetmeats, with portions of the victims 
sacrificed from the sacred pasture, as also of those which were 
slain in the chase ; for Xenophon’s own lads, with the lads of 
the other citizens, always made a hunting excursion against the 
festival day, in which any grown men who liked might join. 
The game was captured partly from the sacred district itself, 
partly from Pholoe,! pigs and gazelles and stags. ‘The place lies 
on the direct road from Lacedaemon to Olympia, about twenty 
furlongs from the temple of Zeus in Olympia, and within 
the sacred enclosure there is meadow-land and wood-covered 
hills, suited to the breeding of pigs and goats and cattle and 
horses, so that even the sumpter animals of the pilgrims passing 
to the feast fare sumptuously. The shrine is girdled by a 
grove of cultivated trees, yielding dessert fruits in their season. 
’ The temple itself is a facsimile on a small scale of the great 
temple at Ephesus, and the image of the goddess is like the 
golden statue at Ephesus, save only that it is made, not of gold, 
but of cypress wood. Beside the temple stands a column 
bearing this inscription :—THE PLACE IS SACRED TO ARTEMIS. 
HE WHO HOLDS IT AND ENJOYS THE FRUITS OF IT IS BOUND TO 


or possibly nearer Mazi. To reach Olympia, about 24 miles distant, one must 
cross the Alpheus. See map. 

1 Pholoe. This mountain (north of the Alpheus) is an offshoot of Ery- 
manthus, crossing the Pisatis from east to west, and separating the waters of 
the Peneus and the Ladon from those of the Alpheus. —Dict. Geog. (Elis). 


142 . ANABASIS—-BKIv..  {°# TS Sahs 
SACRIFICE YEARLY A TITHE OF THE PRODUCE. AND FROM THE 
RESIDUE THEREOF TO KEEP IN REPAIR THE SHRINE. IF ANY 
MAN FAIL IN AUGHT OF THIS THE GODDESS HERSELF WILL 
LOOK TO IT THAT THE MATTER SHALL NOT SLEEP. 

1v.—From Cerasus they continued the march, the same 
portion of the troops being conveyed by sea as before, and the 
rest marching by land. When they had reached the frontiers 
of the Mossynoecians! they sent to them Timesitheus the 
Trapezuntine, who was the proxenos? of the Mossynoecians, 
to inquire whether they were to pass through their territory 
as friends or foes. They, trusting in their strongholds, 
replied that they would not give them passage. It was 
then that Timesitheus informed them that the Mossynoecians 
on the farther side of the country were hostile to these 
‘members of the tribe ;* and it was resolved to invite the 
former to make an alliance, if they wished it. So Timesitheus 
was sent, and came back with their chiefs. On their arrival 
there was a conference of the Mossynoecian chiefs and 
the generals of the Hellenes, and Xenophon made a speech 
which Timesitheus interpreted. He said: ‘‘ Men of the Mos- 
synoecians, our desire is. to reach Hellas in safety; and 
since we have no vessels we must needs go by foot, but these 
people who, as we hear, are your enemies, prevent us. Will 
you take us for your allies? Now is your chance to exact 
vengeance for any wrong, which they at any time may have put 
upon you, and for the future they will be your subjects ; but if 
you send us about our business, consider and ask yourselves 
from what quarter will you ever again obtain so strong a force 
to help you?” To this the chief of the Mossynoecians made 
answer :—that the proposal was in accordance with their 
wishes and they welcomed the alliance. ‘‘ Good,” said Xeno- 
phon, ‘but to what use do you propose to put us, if we be- 
come your allies? And what will you in your turn be able to 
do to assist our passage?” They replied: “We can make an 
incursion into this country hostile to yourselves and us, from 


1 /.e. dwellers in mossyns, or wooden towers. See Herod. iii. 94; vii. 
78. Cf. also Strabo, xi. 41. 

27 Orpemconsnls | | See 777. ald aiss 

3 Reading rovros with Hug. 


oa y THE MOSSYNOECIANS 143 
the opposite side, and also send you ships and men to this place, 
who will aid you in fighting and conduct you on the road.” 

On this understanding, they exchanged pledges and were 
gone. The next day they returned, bringing three hundred 
canoes, each hollowed out of a single trunk. There were three 
men in each, two of whom disembarked and fell into rank, whilst 
the third remained. ‘Then the one set took the boats and sailed 
back again, whilst the other two-thirds who remained marshalled 
themselves in the following way. They stood in rows of about 
a hundred each, like the rows of dancers in a chorus, standing 
vis-a-vis to one another, and all bearing wicker shields, made 
of white oxhide, shaggy, and shaped like an ivy leaf; in the 
right hand they brandished a javelin about six cubits long, 
with a lance in front, and rounded like a ball at the butt end 
of the shaft. 

Their bodies were clad in short frocks, scarcely reaching to 
the knees and in texture closely resembling that of a linen 
bedclothes’ bag; on their heads they wore leathern helmets 
just like the Paphlagonian helmet, with a tuft! of hair in the 
middle, as like a tiara in shape as possible. They carried 
moreover iron battle-axes. Then one of them gave, as it 
were, the key-note and started, while the rest, taking up the 
strain and the step, followed singing and marking time. _ Pass- 
ing through the various corps and heavy armed battalions” 
of the Hellenes, they marched straight against the enemy, to 
what appeared the most assailable of his fortresses. It was 
situated in front of the city, or mother city, as it is called, 
which latter contains the high citadel of the Mossynoecians. 
This citadel was the real bone of contention, the occupants at 
any time being acknowledged as the masters of all the other 
Mossynoecians. The present holders (so it was explained) 
had no right to its possession ; for the sake of self-aggrandise- 
ment they had seized what was really common property. 

Some of the Hellenes followed the attacking party, not 
under the orders of the generals, but for the sake of plunder. 
As they advanced, the enemy for a while kept quiet ; but as 


LE 1Giis AB atbeon why Lop 
2 Or, ‘‘through the ranks and quarters of the Hellenes’’; or, ‘‘through 


the light and heavy infantry divisions.”’ 


144 ANABASIS—BK. V. (Oe ee 
they got near the place, they made a sortie and routed them, 
killing several of the barbarians as well as some of the Hellenes 
who had gone up with them; and so pursued them until 
they saw the Hellenes advancing to the rescue. Then they 
turned round and made off, first cutting off the heads of the 
dead men and flaunting them in the face of the Hellenes and 
of their own private foes, dancing the while and singing in a 
measured strain. But the Hellenes were much vexed to think 
that their foes had only been rendered bolder, while the 
Hellenes who had formed part of the expedition had turned 
tail and fled, in spite of their numbers; a thing which 
had not happened previously during the whole expedition. 
So Xenophon called a meeting of the Hellenes and spoke as 
follows: ‘Soldiers, do not in any wise be cast down by what has 
happened, be sure that good no less than evil will be the result ; 
for to begin with, you now know certainly that those who are 
going to guide us are in very deed hostile to those with whom 
necessity drives us to quarrel; and, in the next place, some of 
our own body, these Hellenes who have made so light of 
orderly array and conjoint action with ourselves, as though they 
must needs achieve in the company of barbarians all they could 
with ourselves, have paid the penalty and been taught a lesson, 
so that another time they will be less prone to leave our ranks. 
But you must be prepared to show these friendly barbarians 
that you are of a better sort, and prove to the enemy that 
battle with the undisciplined is one thing, but with men like 
yourselves another.” 

Accordingly they halted, as they were, that day. Next 
day they sacrificed and finding the victims favourable, they 
breakfasted, formed the companies into columns, and with the 
barbarians arranged in similar order on their left, began their 
march. Between the companies were the archers only slightly 
retired behind the front of the heavy infantry, on account of 
the enemy’s active light troops, who ran down and kept up 
volleys of stones. ‘These were held in check by the archers and 
peltasts ; and steadily step by step the mass marched on, first 
to the position from which the barbarians and those with them! 
had been driven two days back, and where the enemy were 


1 Or, ‘their barbarian allies and their own men with them,”’ 


Sola ne eo} THEIR STRANGE CUSTOMS 145 
now drawn up to meet them. Thus it came to pass that the 
barbarians first grappled with the peltasts and maintained the 
battle until the heavy infantry were close, when they turned and 
fled. The peltasts followed without delay, and pursued them 
right up to their city, while the heavy troops in unbroken order 
followed. As soon as they were up at the houses of the capital, 
there and then the enemy, collecting all together in one 
strong body, fought valiantly, and hurled their javelins, or else 
clenched their long stout spears, almost too heavy for a man 
to wield, and did their best to ward off the attack at close 
quarters. 

But when the Hellenes, instead of giving way, kept massing 
together more thickly, the barbarians fled from this place also, 
and in a body deserted the fortress. Their king, who sat in 
his wooden tower or mossyn, built on the citadel (there he sits 
and there they maintain him, all at the common cost, and 
guard him narrowly), refused to come forth, as did also those 
in the fortress first taken, and so were burnt to a cinder where 
they were, their mossyns, themselves, and all. The Hellenes, 
pillaging and ransacking these places, discovered in the different 
houses treasures and magazines of loaves, pile upon pile, “the 
ancestral stores,” as the Mossynoecians told them ; but the new 
corn was laid up apart with the straw-stalk and ear together, 
and this was for the most part spelt. Slices of dolphin were 
another discovery, in narrow-necked jars, all properly salted and 
pickled ; and there was blubber of dolphin in vessels, which the 
Mossynoecians used precisely as the Hellenes use oil. Then 
there were large stores of nuts on the upper floor, the broad 
kind without a division.* This was also a chief article of food 
with them—boiled nuts and baked loaves. Wine was also 
discovered. This, from its rough, dry quality, tasted sharp 
when drunk pure, but mixed with water was sweet and 
fragrant. 

The Hellenes breakfasted and then started forward on their 
march, having first delivered the stronghold to their allies 
among the Mossynoecians. As for the other strongholds 
belonging to tribes allied with their foes, which they passed ex 
route, the most accessible were either deserted by their inhabit- 


1 Or, ‘‘ protect him,” 2 /.e, ‘* chestnuts,” 


146 ANABASIS—BK. Vv, {17-8 3c v8 2 


ants or gave in their adhesion voluntarily. The following 
description will apply to the majority of them: the cities were 
on an average ten miles apart, some more, some less ; but 
so elevated is the country and intersected by such deep clefts 
that if they chose to shout across to one another, their cries 
would be heard from one city to another. When, in the 
course of their march, they came upon a friendly population, 
these would entertain them with exhibitions of fatted children 
belonging to the wealthy classes, fed up on boiled chestnuts 
until they were as white as white can be, of skin plump and 
delicate, and very nearly as broad as they were long, with their 
backs variegated and their breasts tattooed with patterns of 
all sorts of flowers. They sought after the women in the Hel- 
lenic army, and would fain have lain with them openly in broad 
daylight, for that was their custom. ‘The whole community, male 
and female alike, were fair-complexioned and white-skinned. 

It was agreed that this was the most barbaric and out- 
landish people that they had passed through on the whole 
expedition, and the furthest removed from Hellenic customs, 
doing in a crowd precisely what other people would prefer 
to do in solitude, and when alone behaving exactly as others 
would behave in company, talking to themselves and laughing 
at their own expense, standing still and then again capering 
about, wherever they might chance to be, without rhyme or 
reason, as if their sole business were to show off to the rest of 
the world. 

v.—Through this country, friendly or hostile as the chance 
might be, the Hellenes marched, eight stages in all, and 
reached the Chalybes.!. These were a people few in number, 
and subject to the Mossynoecians. Their livelihood was for 
the most part derived from mining and forging iron. 

Thence they came to the Tibarenians. The country of the 
Tibarenians was far more level, and their fortresses lay on the 
seaboard and were less strong, whether by art or nature. The 
generals wanted to attack these places, so that the army might 
get some pickings,” and they would not accept the gifts of 


1 See above, p. 124, note 1. 
* Or, ‘‘these the generals wished to attack, so that the army might be 
benefited somewhat,’’ but the Greek is more colloquial, 


. Vv. § 2- y 
ee, Be 400 AT COTYORA 147 


hospitality which came in from the Tibarenians, but bidding 
them wait till they had taken counsel, they proceeded to 
offer sacrifice. After several abortive attempts, the seers at 
last all pronounced an opinion that the gods in no wise coun- 
tenanced war. Then they accepted the gifts of hospitality, 
and marching through what was now recognised as a friendly 
country, in two days reached Cotyora, a Hellenic city, and 
a colony of Sinope, albeit situated in the territory of the 
Tibarenians.! 

Here they halted forty-five days, during which they first of 
all sacrificed to the gods, and instituted processions, each set 
of the Hellenes according to their several tribes, with gym- 
nastic contests. Provisions they got in meanwhile, partly from 
Paphlagonia, partly from the estates of the Cotyorites, for the 
latter would neither provide them a market nor receive their 
sick within their walls. 

Meanwhile ambassadors arrived from Sinope, full of fears, 
not only for the Cotyorites and their city, which belonged to 
Sinope, and brought in tribute, but also for the territory 
which, as they had heard, was being pillaged. Accordingly 
they came to the camp and made a speech. Hecatonymus, 
who was reported to be a clever orator, acted as their spokes- 
man: “Soldiers,” he said, “the city of the Sinopeans has 
sent us to offer you, as Hellenes, our compliments and con- 
gratulations on your victories over the barbarians ; and next, 
to express our joyful satisfaction that you have surmounted 
all those terrible sufferings of which we have heard, and 
have reached this place in safety. As Hellenes we claim 
to receive at your hands, as fellow-Hellenes, kindness and 
not harm.2, We have certainly not ourselves set you an 
example heretofore of evil treatment. Now the Cotyorites 
are our colonists. It was we who gave them this country 


1 The MSS. here read, ‘‘ Up to this point the expedition was conducted 
on land, and the distance traversed on foot from the battle-field near Babylon 
down to Cotyora amounted to one hundred and twenty-two stages—that is to 
say, six hundred and twenty parasangs, or eighteen thousand stades, or if 
measured in time, an eight months’ march.’’ The words are probably the note 
of some editor or commentator, though it is quite likely that the author him- 
self may have gone through such calculations and even have inserted them as 
a note to his text. 

2 Or, ‘‘some show of kindness, without taint of evil.” 


CH. v. § 10-18 


148 ANABASIS—BK. V. eee eit 


to dwell in, having taken it from the barbarians; for which 
reason also they, with the men of Cerasus and ‘Trapezus, 
pay us an appointed tribute. So that, whatever mischief you 
inflict on the men of Cotyora, the city of Sinope takes as 
personal to herself. At the present time we hear that you 
have made forcible entry into their city, some of you, and are 
quartered in the houses, besides taking forcibly from the 
Cotyorite estates whatever you need, by hook and by crook. 
Now against these things we enter protest. If you mean to 
go on so doing, you will drive us to make friends with Corylas 
and the Paphlagonians, or any one else we can find.” 

To meet these charges Xenophon, in behalf of the soldiers, 
rose and said: “ As to ourselves, men of Sinope, having got so 
far, we are well content to have saved our bodies and our arms. 
Indeed it was impossible at one and the same moment to 
keep our enemies at bay and to despoil them of their goods and 
chattels. And now, since we have reached Hellenic cities, 
how has it fared with us? At Trapezus they gave us a 
market, and we paid for our provisions at a fair market 
price. In return for the honour they did us, and the gifts 
of hospitality they gave the army, we requited them with 
honour. Where the barbarian was friendly to them, we 
stayed our hands from injury; or under their escort, we 
did damage to their enemies to the utmost of our power. 
Ask them, what sort of people they found us. They are 
here, some of them, to answer for themselves. Their fellow- 
citizens and the state of Trapezus, for friendship’s sake, have 
sent them with us to act as our guides. 

** But wherever we come, be it foreign or Hellenic soil, and 
find no market for provisions, we are wont to help ourselves, 
not out of insolence but from necessity. There have been 
tribes like the Carduchians, the Taochians, the Chaldaeans, 
which, albeit they were not subject to the great king, yet 
were no less formidable than independent. These we had 
to bring over by our arms. The necessity of getting provi- 
sions forced us; since they refused to offer us a market. 
Whereas some other folk, like the Macrones, in spite of their 
being barbarians, we regarded as our friends, simply because 
they did afford us the best market in their power, and we 


CH. Vv. § 18-24 


May 18, 8.c'yoo)  HECATONYMUS OF SINOPE 149 


took no single thing of theirs by force. But, to come to these 
Cotyorites, whom you claim to be your people, if we have 
taken aught from them, they have themselves to blame, for 
they did not deal with us as friends, but shut their gates 
in our faces. They would neither welcome us within nor 
furnish us with a market without. The only justification they 
alleged was that your governor? had authorised this conduct. 
‘As to your assertion,” he continued, turning to Hecatony- 
mus, ‘‘that we have got in by force and have taken up quarters, 
this is what we did. We requested them to receive our sick and 
wounded under cover; and when they refused to open their 
gates, we walked in where the place itself invited us. All the 
violence we have committed amounts to this, that our sick folk 
are quartered under cover, paying for their expenses, and we 
keep a sentry at the gates, so that our sick and wounded may 
not lie at the mercy of your governor, but we may have it in our 
power to remove them whenever we like. The rest of us, you 
observe, are camping under the canopy of heaven, in regular 
rank and file, and we are ready to requite kindness with kind- 
ness, but to repel evil vigorously. And as for your threat,” 
he said, once again turning to the spokesman, “that you will, 
if it suits you, make alliance with Corylas and the Paphlagonians 
to attack us, for our part, we have no objection to fighting 
both sets of you, if so be we must ; we have already fought 
others many times more numerous than you. Besides, ‘ if it 
suits ws,’ as you put it, to make the Paphlagonian our friend 
(report says that he has a hankering after your city and some 
other places on the seaboard), we can enhance the value of 
our friendship by helping to win for him what he covets.” 
Thereupon the ambassadors showed very plainly their 
annoyance with Hecatonymus, on account of the style of his 
remarks, and one of them stept forward to explain that their 
intention in coming was not at all to raise a war, but on the 


1 Lit. ‘‘harmost.” See below, pp. 175, 183, ror; Hell. I. ii. 18; 
Thue. viii. 5. The term, denoting properly a governor of the islands and 
foreign cities sent out by the Lacedaemonians during their supremacy (see L. 
and S., s. v.), came, it would seem, to be adopted by other Greek communities 
under somewhat similar circumstances. Cotyora receives a harmost from her 
mother-city, Sinope. For the Greek colonies here mentioned, see Kiepert’s 
Man. Anct. Geog. (Eng. tr., Mr. G. A. Macmillan), p. 63, § 59. 


150 ANABASIS—BK. v. {ov 8 74H, vies 
contrary to demonstrate their friendliness. ‘“ And if you come 
to Sinope itself,’ the speaker continued, “we will welcome 
you there with gifts of hospitality. Meanwhile we will enjoin 
upon the citizens of this place to give you what they can ; 
for we can see that every word of what you say is true.” 
Thereupon the Cotyorites sent gifts of hospitality, and the 
generals of the Hellenes entertained the ambassadors of the 
Sinopeans. Many and friendly were the topics of conversa- 
tion; freely flowed the talk on things in general; and, 
in particular, both parties were able: to make inquiries and 
satisfy their curiosity concerning the remaining portion of the 
march.! 

v1.—Such was the conclusion of that day. On the following 
day the generals summoned an assembly of the soldiers, when 
it was resolved to invite the men of Sinope, and to take advice 
with them touching the remainder of the journey. In the 
event of their having to continue it on foot, the Sinopeans 
through their acquaintance with Paphlagonia would be useful 
to them; while, if they had to go by sea, the services of the 
same people would be at a premium ;? for who but they could 
furnish ships sufficient for the army? Accordingly, they 
summoned their ambassadors, and took counsel with them, 
begging them, on the strength of the sacred ties which bind 
Hellenes to Hellenes, to inaugurate the good reception they 
had spoken of, by present kindliness and their best advice. 

Hecatonymus rose and wished at once to offer an apology 
with regard to what he had said about the possibility of making 
friends with the Paphlagonians. ‘‘ The wordswere not intended,” 
he said, “to convey a threat, as though they were minded to 
go to war with the Hellenes, but as meaning rather: albeit we 
have it in our power to be friendly with the barbarians, we will 
choose the Hellenes.” ‘Then, being urged to aid them by some 
advice, with a pious ejaculation, he commenced : “If I bestow 
upon you the best counsel I am able, God grant that blessings 
in abundance may descend on me; but if the contrary, may 


1 Or, ‘‘to make inquiries concerning the remaining portion of the march, 
and learn what each respectively stood in need of.” 
2 Or, ‘‘ for if they should have to continue their journey on foot, the people 


of Sinope appeared likely to be useful through their acquaintance with Paph- 
lagonia, and still more if they had to go by sea,” 


er HIS SACRED COUNSEL’ ret 


evil betide me! ‘Sacred counsel,’! as the saying goes,—well, 
sirs, if ever the saying held, it should hold I think to-day ; when, 
if I be proved to have given you good counsel, I shall not lack 
panegyrists, or if evil, your imprecations will be many-tongued. 

“As to trouble, I am quite aware, we shall have much 
more trouble if you are conveyed by sea, for we must provide 
the vessels ; whereas, if you go by land, all the fighting will de- 
volve on you. Still, let come what may, it behoves me to state 
my views. I have an intimate acquaintance with the country 
of the Paphlagonians and their power. The country possesses 
the two features of hill and vale, that is to say, the fairest 
plains and the highest mountains. To begin with the moun- 
tains, I know the exact point at which you must make your 
entry. It is precisely where the horns of a mountain tower 
over both sides of the road. Let the merest handful of men 
occupy these and they can hold the pass with ease; for when 
that is done? not all the enemies in the world could effect 
a passage. I could point out the whole with my finger, if 
you like to send any one with me to the scene. 

“So much for the mountain barrier. But the next thing I 
know is that there are plains and a cavalry which the bar- 
barians themselves hold to be superior to the entire cavalry of 
the great king. Why, only the other day these people re- 
fused to present themselves to the summons of the king ; their 
chief is too proud for that. 

“But now, supposing you were able to seize the mountain 
barrier, by stealth or expedition, before the enemy could stop 
you ; supposing further, you: were able to win an engagement 
in the plain against not only their cavalry but their more than 
one hundred and twenty thousand infantry,—you will only find 
yourself face to face with the rivers, a series of them. First the 
Thermodon, three hundred feet broad, which I take it will be 
difficult to pass, especially with a host of foes in front and 
another host following behind. Next comes the Iris river, 
three hundred feet broad ; and thirdly, the Halys, at least two 
furlongs broad, which you could not possibly cross without 
vessels, and who is going to supply you with vessels? In the 


1 Cf. Plato, 7heages, 122. 
2 Lit. ‘‘for when once these are so occupied not all... 


152 ANABASIS—BK. V. hanes 2 
same way too the Parthenius is impassable, which you will 
reach if you cross the Halys. For my part, then, I consider 
the land-journey, I will not say difficult, but absolutely im- 
possible for you. Whereas if you go by sea, you can coast 
along from here to Sinope, and from Sinope to Heraclea. 
From Heraclea onwards there is no difficulty, whether by land 
or by sea; for there are plenty of vessels at Heraclea.” 

After he had finished his remarks, some of his hearers 
thought they detected a certain bias in them. He would not 
have spoken so, but for his friendship with Corylas, whose 
official representative’ he was. Others guessed he had an 
itching palm, and that he was hoping to receive a present for 
his “sacred advice.” Others again suspected that his object 
was to prevent their going by foot and doing some mischief to 
the country of the Sinopeans. However that might be, the 
Hellenes voted in favour of continuing the journey by sea. 
After this Xenophon said: “ Sinopeans, the army has chosen 
that method of procedure which you advise, and thus the 
matter stands. If there are sure to be vessels enough to make 
it impossible for a single man to be left behind, go by sea we 
will; but if part of us are to be left while part go by sea, 
we will not set foot on board the vessels. One fact we 
plainly recognise, strength is everything to us. So long as 
we have the mastery, we shall be able to protect ourselves 
and get provisions; but if we are once caught at the mercy 
of our foes, it is plain, we shall be reduced to slavery.” ” 
On hearing this the ambassadors * bade them send an embassy, 
which they did, to wit, Callimachus the Arcadian, and Ariston 
the Athenian, and Samolas the Achaean. 

So these set off, but meanwhile a thought shaped itself in 
the mind of Xenophon, as there before his eyes lay that vast 
army of Hellene hoplites, and that other array of peltasts, 
archers, and slingers, with cavalry to boot, and all in a state 
of thorough efficiency from long practice, hardened veterans, 
and all collected in Pontus, where to raise so large a force 
would cost a mint of money. Then‘ the idea dawned upon 


1 Lit. ‘‘proxenos”’ ; see p. r42above. The office closely resembled that of 
our consul. 2 Lit. ‘‘to the level of captive slaves.”’ ® /.e. from Sinope. 
4 For the colonisation scheme, see above, p. 80, note I. 


eee ee COLONISATION SCHEME 153 
him: how noble an opportunity to acquire new territory’and 
power for Hellas, by the founding of a colony—a city of no 
mean size, moreover, said he to himself, as he reckoned up 
their own numbers—and besides themselves a population 
planted on the shores of Pontus. Thereupon he summoned 
Silanus the Ambraciot, the soothsayer of Cyrus above men- 
tioned,’ and before breathing a syllable to any of the soldiers, 
he consulted the victims by sacrifice. 

But Silanus, in apprehension lest these ideas might embody 
themselves, and the army be permanently halted at some 
point or other, set a tale going among the men, to the effect 
that Xenophon was minded to detain the army and found a 
city in order to win himself a name and acquire power, 
Silanus himself being minded to reach Hellas with all possible 
speed, for the simple reason that he had still got the three 
thousand darics presented to him by Cyrus on the occasion of 
the sacrifice when he hit the truth so happily about the ten 
days.” Silanus’s story was variously received, some few of 
the soldiers thinking it would be an excellent thing to stay 
in that country ; but the majority were strongly averse. The 
next incident was that Timasion the Dardanian, with Thorax 
the Boeotian, addressed themselves to some Heracleot and 
Sinopean traders who had come to Cotyora, and told them 
that if they did not find means to furnish the army with 
pay sufficient to keep them in provisions on the homeward 
voyage, all that great force would most likely settle down per- 
manently in Pontus. “Xenophon has a pet idea,” they con- 
tinued, “which he urges upon us. We are to wait until the 
ships come, and then we are suddenly to turn round to the 
army and say: ‘Soldiers, we now see the straits we are in, 
unable to keep ourselves in provisions on the return voyage, 
or to make our friends at home a little present at the end 
of our journey.? But if you like to select some place on the 
inhabited seaboard of the Black’ Sea which may take your 
fancy and there put in, this is open to you to do. Those who 
like to go home, go; those who care to stay here, stay. You 


1 See above, p. 26. 
2 Or, ‘‘ when his statement proved correct.” See above, p. 26. 
2 Or, ‘‘ to do one’s friends at home a good turn.”’ 


i ANABASIS—BK. V. Nsaager ei 2 


have got vessels now, so that you can make a sudden pounce 
upon any point you choose.’ ” 

The merchants went off with this tale and reported it to 
every city they came to in turn, nor did they go alone, but 
Timasion the Dardanian sent a fellow-citizen of his own, 
Eurymachus, with the Boeotian Thorax, to repeat the same 
story. So when it reached the ears of the men of Sinope and 
the Heracleots, they sent to Timasion and pressed him to 
accept of a gratuity, in return for which he was to arrange for 
the departure of the troops. ‘Timasion was only too glad to 
hear this, and he took the opportunity when. the soldiers 
were convened in meeting to make the following remarks: 
“Soldiers,” he said, “do not set your thoughts on staying 
here; let Hellas, and Hellas only, be the object of your 
affection, for I am told that certain persons have been sacri- 
ficing on this very question, without saying a word to you. 
Now I can promise you, if you once leave these waters, to 
furnish you with regular monthly pay, dating from the first of 
the month, at the rate of one cyzicene! a head per month. I 
will bring you to the Troad, from which part I am an exile, 
and my own state is at your service. They will receive me 
with open arms. I will be your guide personally, and I will 
take you to places where you will get plenty of money. I 
know every corner of the Aeolid, and Phrygia, and the Troad, 
and indeed the whole satrapy of Pharnabazus, partly because 
it is my birthplace, partly from campaigns in that region with 
Clearchus and Dercylidas.” ? 

No sooner had he ceased than up got Thorax the Boeotian. 
This was a man who had a standing battle with Xenophon 
about the generalship of the army. What he said was that, if 
they once got fairly out of the Euxine, there was the Chersonese, 
a beautiful and prosperous country, where they could settle 
or not, as they chose. ‘Those who liked could stay; and 


1 A cyzicene séatey = twenty-eight silver drachmae of Attic money B.C. 335, 
in the time of Demosthenes ; but, like the dav7c (see above, p. 26), this gold 
coin would fluctuate in value relatively to silver. It contained more grains of 
gold than the daric. 

2 Of Dercylidas we hear more in the Hedlenica. In B.C. 411 he was 
harmost at Abydos ; in B.C. 399 he superseded ‘Thimbron in Asia Minor ; and 
was himself superseded by Agesilaus in B.C. 396. 


May 28 ae'e00} INTRIGUES AGAINST XENOPHON 155 
those who liked could return to their homes; how ridiculous 
then, when there was so much territory in Hellas and to spare, 
to be poking about! in the land of the barbarian. “But 
until you find yourselves there,” he added, “I, no less than 
Timasion, can guarantee you regular pay.” This he said, 
knowing what promises had been made Timasion by the men 
of Heraclea and Sinope to induce them to set sail. 

Meanwhile Xenophon held his peace. Then up got 
Philesius and Lycon, two Achaeans : ‘‘ It was monstrous,” they 
said, “‘that Xenophon should be privately persuading people 
to stop there, and consulting the victims for that end, without 
letting the army into the secret, or breathing a syllable in 
public about the matter.” When it came to this, Xenophon 
was forced to get up, and speak as follows: “Sirs, you are 
well aware that my habit is to sacrifice at all times; whether 
in your own behalf or my own, I strive in every thought, word, 
and deed to be directed as is best? for yourselves and me. 
And in the present instance my sole object was to learn 
whether it were better even so much as to broach the subject, 
and so take action, or to have absolutely nothing to do with 
the project. Now Silanus the soothsayer assured me by his 
answer of what was the main point: ‘the victims were favour- 
able.’ No doubt Silanus knew that I was not unversed myself 
in his lore, as I have so often assisted at the sacrifice; but 
he added that there were symptoms in the victims of some 
guile or conspiracy against me. That was a happy discovery on 
his part, seeing that he was himself conspiring at the moment 
to traduce me before you; since it was he who set the tale 
going that I had actually made up my mind to carry out these 
projects without procuring your consent. Now, for my part, if 


1 The word paorevew. occurs above, III. i. 43, p. 74, and again below, 
VII. iii. rz, p. 210, and in other writings of our author. Cf. Oee. v. 13; 
Conv, iv. 27; Ages. i. 24 (where the parallel passage, Hed/, III. iv. 15, has 
(nretv) ; Cyrop. I. ii, 22. It is probably Ionic or old Attic, and occurs in 
poetry, e.g. Aesch. 4g. 1099, mpopyras 0 ovrwas wacrevouey ; ‘‘ but prophets 
none are we in scent of !”. as Mr. Robert Browning translates. Cf. warevew, 
which is also a sportsman’s word = ‘‘ to snuff'’—of a dog following scent. 
Perhaps we may compare the Elizabethan ‘‘ coasting’ (Shakesp. Venus and 
Adonis, 870) : ‘‘and all in haste she coasteth to the cry.” 

2 Lit. ‘‘as is fairest (¢.e. most beautiful) and best.’’ Cf. the phrase 


ol kadol Kayadol. 


156 ANABASIS—BK. V. oan 
I saw that you were in any difficulties, I should set myself 
to discover how you might capture a city, on the understand- 
ing of course that all who wished might sail away at once, 
leaving those who did not wish, to follow at a later date, 
with something perhaps in their pockets to benefit their friends 
at home. Now, however, as I see that the men of Heraclea 
and Sinope are to send you ships to assist you to sail away, and 
more than one person guarantees to give you regular monthly 
pay, it is, I admit, a rare chance to be safely piloted to the haven 
of our hopes, and at the same time to receive pay for our 
preservation. For myself I have done with that dream, and 
to those, who came to me to urge these projects, my advice is to 
have done with them. In fact, this is my view. As long as you 
stay together united as to-day, you will command respect and 
procure provisions ; for might certainly exercises a right over 
what belongs to the weaker. But once broken up, with your 
force split into little bits, you will neither be able to get sub- 
sistence, nor indeed will you get off without paying dearly 
for it. In fact, my resolution coincides precisely with yours. 
It is that we should set off for Hellas, and if any one stops 
behind, or is caught deserting before the whole army is in 
safety, let him be judged as an evil-doer. Pray let all who 
are in favour of this proposition hold up their hands.” 

They all held them up; only Silanus began shouting and 
vainly striving to maintain the right of departure for all who 
liked to depart. But the soldiers would not suffer him, threat- 
ening him that if he were himself caught attempting to run away 
they would inflict the aforesaid penalty. After this, when the 
Heracleots learnt that the departure by sea was resolved upon, 
and that the measure itself emanated from Xenophon, they 
sent the vessels indeed ; but as to the money which they had 
promised to Timasion and Thorax as pay for the soldiers, 
they were not as good as their word, in fact they cheated them 
both. ‘Thus the two who had guaranteed regular monthly pay 
were utterly confounded, and stood in terror of the soldiers. 
What they did then, was to take to them the other generals 
to whom they had communicated their former transactions 
(that is to say, all except Neon the Asinaean, who, as lieutenant- 
general, was acting for Cheirisophus during his continued 


Meo tc. yp UE CAEIS“A MEETING 157 
absence). This done they came in a body to Xenophon and,said 
that their views were changed. As they had now got the ships, 
they thought it best to sail to the Phasis, and seize the terri- 
tory of the Phasians (whose present king was a descendant of 
Aeetes).' | Xenophon’s reply was curt :—Not one syllable 
would he have to say himself to the army in this matter, “ But,” 
he added, “if you like, you can summon an assembly and 
say your say.” Thereupon Timasion the Dardanian set forth 
as his opinion :—It were best to hold no parliament at present, 
but first to go and conciliate, each of them, his own officers. 
Thus they went away and proceeded to execute their plans. 
vul.—Presently the soldiers came to learn what was in 
course of agitation, and Neon gave out that Xenophon had 
persuaded the other generals to adopt his views, and had a 
plan to cheat the soldiers and take them back to the Phasis. 
The soldiers were highly indignant ; meetings were held ; little 
groups gathered ominously ; and there seemed an alarming 
probability that they would repeat the violence with which 
they had lately treated the heralds of the Colchians and the 
clerks of the market; when all who did not save themselves 
by jumping into the sea were stoned to death. So Xenophon, 
seeing what a storm was brewing, resolved to anticipate mat- 
ters so far as to summon a meeting of the men without delay, 
and thus prevent their collecting of their own accord, and 
he ordered the herald to announce an assembly. ‘The voice 
of the herald was no sooner heard than they rushed with 
great readiness to the place of meeting. ‘Then Xenophon, 
without accusing the generals of having come to him, made 
the following speech: “I hear that a charge is brought against 
me. It is | apparently who am going to cheat you and carry you 
off to Phasis. I beg you by all that is holy to listen to me; 
and if there be found any guilt in me, let me not leave this 
place till I have paid the penalty of my misdoing ; but if my 
accusers are found guilty, treat them as they deserve. I pre- 
sume, sirs, you know where the sun rises and where he sets, 
and that he who would go to Hellas must needs journey 
towards the sunset ; whereas he who seeks the land of the 


1 Aeetes (Aljrns) is the patronym of the kings of Colchis from mythical 
times onwards ; e.g. Medea was the daughter of Aeetes. 


SCH. vit. § 6-10 
April 3- 


158 ANABASIS—BK. V. 


barbarian must contrariwise fix his face towards the dawn. 
Now is that a point in which a man might hope to cheat you ? 
Could any one make you believe that the sun rises here and 
sets there, or that he sets here and rises there?! And doubtless 
you know this too, that it is Boreas, the north wind, who bears 
the mariner out of Pontus towards Hellas, and the south wind 
inwards towards the Phasis, whence the saying— 


‘¢<« When the North wind doth blow 
Home to Hellas we will go.’” 


“He would be a clever fellow who could befool you into 
embarking with a south wind blowing. ‘That sounds all very 
well, you think, only I may get you on board during a calm. 
Granted, but I shall be on board my one ship, and you on 
board another hundred at least, and how am I to constrain 
you to voyage with me against your will, or by what cajolery 
shall I carry you off? But I will imagine you so far befooled 
and bewitched by me, that I have got you to the Phasis ; we 
proceed to disembark on dry land. At last it will come out, 
that wherever you are, you are not in Hellas, and the inventor 
of the trick will be one sole man, and you who have been 
caught by it will number something like ten thousand with 
swords in your hands. I do not know how a man could better 
ensure his own punishment than by embarking on such a 
policy with regard to himself and you. 

““ Nay, these tales are the invention of silly fellows who are 
jealous of the honour you bestow on me. A most uncalled- 
for jealousy! Do I hinder any of them from speaking any 
word of import in his power? of striking a blow in your behalf 
and his own, if that is his choice? or, finally, of keeping his 
eyes and ears open to secure your safety? What is it? In 
your choice of leaders do I stand in the way of any one, is that, 
it? Let him step forward, I yield him place; he shall be your 
general ; only he must prove that he has your good at heart. 


1 Or, ‘‘rises in the west and sets in the east ?”’ 
2 brav Boppas mvéy 
Kadol mol els Thy “EANdOa. 
Whether this was a local saying or a proverb I cannot say. The words have 
a poetical ring about them : ‘‘ When Borrhas blows, fair voyages to Hellas."’ 


May 18, Be: 200 . HIS DEFENCE 159 
“For myself, I have done; but for yourselves, if any of 
you conceive either that he himself could be the victim of a 
fraud, or that he could victimise any one else in such a thing 
as this, let him open his lips and explain to us how. ‘Take 
your time, but when you have sifted the matter to your hearts’ 
content, do not go away without suffering me to tell you of 
something which I see looming. If it should burst upon us 
and prove in fact anything like what it gives signs of being 
now, it is time for us to take counsel for ourselves and see 
that we do not prove ourselves to be the worst and basest of 
men in the sight of gods and men, be they friends or be they 
foes.” The words moved the curiosity of the soldiers. They 
marvelled what this matter might be, and bade him explain. 
Thereupon he began again: “ You will not have forgotten cer- 
tain places in the hills—barbaric fastnesses, but friendly to the 
Cerasuntines—from which people used to come down and sell 
us large cattle and other things which they possessed, and if I 
mistake not, some of you went to the nearest of these places 
and made purchases in the market and came back again. 
Clearetus the captain learnt of this place, that it was but a little 
one and unguarded. Why should it be guarded since it was 
friendly? so the folk thought. ‘Thus he stole upon it in the dead 
of night, and meant to sack it without saying a word to any of 
us. His design was, if he took the place, not to return again to 
the army, but to mount a vessel which, with his messmates on 
board her, was sailing past+ at the time, and stowing away 
what he had seized, to set sail and begone beyond the Euxine. 
All this had been agreed upon and arranged with his comrades 
on board the vessel, as I now discover. Accordingly, he 
summoned to his side all whom he could persuade, and set 
off at their head against the little place. But dawn overtook 
him on his march. The men collected out of their strongholds, 
and whether from a distance or close quarters, made such a 
fight that they killed Clearetus and a good many of the rest, 
and only a few of them got safe back to Cerasus. 
“These things took place on the day on which we started to 
come hither on foot; while some of those who were to go by 
sea were still at Cerasus, not having as yet weighed anchor. 


1 Or, ‘‘lay off the coast or was sailing past,” etc. 


160 ANABASIS—BK. V. gabe et 
After this, according to what the Cerasuntines state, there 
arrived three inhabitants of the place which had been attacked ; 
three elderly men, seeking an interview with our public as- 
sembly. Not finding us, they addressed themselves to the men 
of Cerasus, and told them, they were astonished that we should 
have thought it right to attack them; however, when, as the 
Cerasuntines assert, they had assured them that the occurrence 
was not authorised by public consent, they were pleased, and 
proposed to sail here, not only to state to us what had occurred, 
but to offer that those who were interested should take up and 
bury the bodies of the slain. 

“But among the Hellenes still at Cerasus were some of 
those who had escaped. ‘They found out in which direction 
the barbarians were minded to go, and not only had the face 
themselves to pelt them with stones, but vociferously en- 
couraged their neighbours to do the same. ‘The three men 
—ambassadors, mark you—vwere slain, stoned to death. 
After this occurrence, the men of Cerasus came to us and 
reported the affair, and we generals, on being informed, were 
annoyed at what had taken place, and took counsel with the 
Cerasuntines how the dead bodies of the Hellenes might be 
buried. While seated in conclave outside the camp, we sud- 
denly were aware of a great chubbub. We heard cries: ‘Cut 
them down!’ ‘Shoot them!’ ‘Stone them!’?! and _ presently 
we caught sight of a mass of people racing towards us with 
stones in their hands, and others picking them up. The 
Cerasuntines, naturally enough, considering the incident they 
had lately witnessed, retired in terror to their vessels, and, 
upon my word, some of us did not feel too comfortable. All 
I could do was to go to them and inquire what it all meant. 
Some of them-had not the slightest notion, although they had 
stones in their hands, but chancing on some one who was 
better informed, I was told by him that ‘the clerks of the 
market were treating the army most scandalously.’ Just then 
some one got sight of the market clerk, Zelarchus, making his 
way off towards the sea, and lifted up his voice aloud, and 


1 Lit. “strike! strike! pelt! pelt !’""— mate mate Badde Bade, male 
indicating a blow (of a sword or spear), Bdd\New a shot (of an arrow or 
javelin or slingstone), 


oo cy THE CERASUNTINES ier 
the rest responding to the cry as if a wild boar or a stag 
had been started, they rushed upon him. 

“The Cerasuntines, seeing a rush in their direction, thought 
that, without a doubt, it was directed against themselves, 
and fled with all speed and threw themselves into the sea, in 
which proceeding they were imitated by some few of our own 
men, and all who did not know how to swim were drowned. 
But now, what do you think of their case, these men of 
Cerasus? They had done no wrong. They were simply 
afraid that some madness had seized us, like that to which 
dogs are liable. 

“‘T say then, if proceedings like this are to be the order of 
the day, you had better consider what the ultimate condition 
of the army is like to be. As a body you will not have it in 
your power to undertake war against whom you like, or to 
conclude peace. But in private any one who chooses will con- 
duct the army on any quest which takes his fancy. And when 
ambassadors come to you to demand peace, or whatever it 
may be, officious people will put them to death and _ pre- 
vent your hearing the proposals which brought them to you.} 
The next step will be that those whom you as a body may 
choose as generals will be of no account; but any one who 
likes to elect himself general, and will adopt the formula 
‘Shoot him! shoot him!’ will be competent to cut down 
whomsoever he pleases untried, be it general or private soldier, 
if only he have sufficient followers, as was the case just now. 
But just consider what these self-appointed generals have 
achieved for you. Zelarchus, the clerk of the market, may 
possibly have done you a wrong ; if so, he has sailed off and 
is gone without paying you any penalty ; or he may be guilt- 
less, in which case we have driven him from the army in terror 
of perishing unjustly without even a trial. While those who 
stoned the ambassadors have contrived so cleverly that we 
alone of all Hellenes cannot approach Cerasus safely without 
a strong force, and the corpses which the very men who slew 
them themselves invited us to bury, we cannot now pick up 
with safety even under a flag of truce. Who indeed would 


1 Or, ‘‘any one who pleases will kill them, and prevent your hearing the 
proposals of those who seek you.”’ 


762 ANABASIS—-BE=V. oe vit. § 30-CH. ae 


care to carry a flag of truce, or go as a herald with the blood 
of heralds upon his hands? All we could do was to implore 
the Cerasuntines to bury them. 

“Tf then you approve of such doings, have a resolution 
passed to that effect, so that, with a prospect of like occur- 
rences in the future, a man may privately set up a guard and 
do his best to fix his tent where he can find a strong position 
with a commanding site. If, however, these seem to you to 
be the deeds rather of wild beasts than of human beings, 
bethink you of some means by which to stay them; or 
else, in heaven’s name, how shall we do sacrifice to the 
gods gladly, with impious deeds to answer for? or how shall 
we, who lay the knife to each other’s throats, give battle 
to our enemies? What friendly city will receive us when 
they see rampant lawlessness in our midst? Who will have 
the courage to afford us a market, when we prove our worth- 
lessness in these weightiest concerns? and what becomes of 
the praise we expect to win from the mouths of men? who 
will vouchsafe it to us, if this is our behaviour? Should we 
not ourselves bestow the worst of names on the perpetrators 
of like deeds?” 

After this they rose, and, as one man, proposed that the 
ringleaders in these matters should be punished; and that for 
the future, to set an example of lawlessness should be forbidden. 
Every such ringleader was to be prosecuted on the capital 
charge ; the generals were to bring all offenders to the bar of 
justice ; prosecutions for all other misdemeanours committed 
since the death of Cyrus were to be instituted; and they 
ended by constituting the officers into a board of dicasts ;1 and 
upon the strong representation of Xenophon, with the concur- 
rence of the soothsayers, it was resolved to purify the army, 
and this purification was made. 

vill.—It was further resolved that the generals themselves 
should undergo a judicial examination in reference to their con- 
duct in past time. In course of investigation,” Philesius and 
Xanthicles respectively were condemned to pay a sum of 


1 /,e, a board of judges or jurors. See Xen. Works, I. p. 30, note 1. 
? Or, ‘‘when the inquiry took place,” lit. ‘they (the generals) giving an 
account,” 


0} 6 TRIAL OP THE GENERALS 163 


twenty minae,! to meet a deficiency to that amount incurred 
during the guardianship of the cargoes of the merchantmen. 
Sophaenetus was fined ten minae ? for inadequate performance 
of his duty as one of the chief officers selected? Against 
Xenophon a charge was brought by certain people, who asserted 
that they had been beaten by him, and framed the indictment 
as one of personal outrage with violence.‘ Xenophon got up 
and demanded that the first speaker should state ‘where and 
when it was he had received these blows.” The other, so 
challenged, answered, “ When we were perishing of cold and 
there was a great depth of snow.” Xenophon said: ‘ Upon 
my word, ee weather such as you describe, when our pro- 
visions had run out, when the wine could not even be smelt, 
when numbers were dropping down dead beat, so acute was 
the suffering, with the enemy close on our heels; certainly, 
if at such a season as that I was guilty of outrage, I plead 
guilty to being a more outrageous brute than the ass, 
which is too wanton, they say, to feel fatigue. Still, I 
wish you would tell us,” said he, ‘what led to my striking 
you. Did I ask you for something and, on your refusing 
it to me, did I proceed to beat you? Was it a debt, for 
which I demanded payment? or a quarrel about some boy 
or other? Was I the worse for liquor, and behaving like a 
drunkard?” When the man met each of these questions 
with a negative, he questioned him further: “Are you a 
heavy infantry soldier?” ‘No,’ saidhe. “A peltast, then ?” 
“No, nor yet a peltast”; but he had been ordered by his 


1 About £81: 5s. See above, p. 16, note r, 2 About £40: 12:6, 

3 Reading with Sauppe (and codex E) dpxwy aipefels. Hug reads é7e 
aipeels . . . Katnuédet, and conjectures that the words mpoorarjoat or 
ériweAnOnvat TovTov Tod mpdyyaros, or something to that effect, have fallen 
out. 

4 See the Dict. of Antiy. 622 a, HYBREOS GRAPHE. In the case of 
common assaults (61a w\ny@v) as opposed to indecent assault (dv alc xpoupyias), 
the prosecution seems to have been allowable only when the object of a wanton 
attack was a free person. Cf. Arist. Rez. ii, 24, 

5 Or, ‘‘most typical of asses.” Mr. Pretor aptly compares Luc, Pseudolog. 
3, Piscat. 34, doedyéoTepor 5é Tv bywy, ‘‘more lewd than an ass"’ (acéAyera 
and {Bpis go hand in hand; cf. Dem. 514, 12); cf. Herod. iv. 129, who tells 
how the asses, by their braying (vBplfovres ; cf. Cyvop. vii. 5, 62), and the 
mules with their strange aspect, frightened the horses in Scythia, where 
neither asses nor mules can live, it is so cold. 


iy ANABASIS—BK. V. ape ee 
messmates to drive a mule, although he was a free man. 
Then at last he recognised him, and inquired: “Are you the 
fellow who carried home the sick man?” ‘Yes, I am,” said 
he, “thanks to your driving; and you made havoc of my 
messmates’ kit.” ‘‘ Havoc!” said Xenophon: “Nay, I dis- 
tributed it; some to one man, some to another to carry, 
and bade them bring the things safely to me; ana when I got 
them back I delivered them all safely to you, when you, on 
your side, had rendered an account to me of the man. Let 
me tell you,” he continued, turning to the court, ‘““what the 
circumstances were ; it is worth hearing :— 

** A man was left behind from inability to proceed farther ; 
I recognised the poor fellow sufficiently to see that he was one 
of ours, and I forced you, sir, to carry him to save his life. For, 
if Iam not much mistaken, the enemy were close at our heels ?” 
The fellow assented to this. “ Well then,” said Xenophon, 
“after I had sent you forward, I overtook you again, as I came 
up with the rearguard; you were digging a trench with intent 
to bury the man; I pulled up and said something in com- 
mendation ; as we stood by the poor fellow twitched his leg, 
and the bystanders all cried out, ‘ Why, the man’s alive!’ Your 
remark was: ‘Alive or not as he likes, I am not going to 
carry him.’ Then I struck you. Yes! you are right, for it 
looked very much as if you knew him to be alive.” ‘ Well,” 
said he, ‘was he any the less dead when I reported him to 
you?” “Nay,” retorted Xenophon, “by the same token we 
shall all one day be dead, but that is no reason why mean- 
time we should all be buried alive?” Then there was a 
general shout : “If Xenophon had given the fellow a few more 
blows, it might have been better.” The others were now 
called upon to state the grounds on which they had been 
beaten in each case ; but when they refused to get up, he pro- 
ceeded to state them himself. 

‘“‘T confess, sirs, to having struck certain men for failure in 
discipline.' These were men who were quite content to owe 
their safety to us. Whilst the rest of the world marched on in 
rank and did whatever fighting had to be done, they preferred 
to leave the ranks, and rush forward to loot and enrich them- 


1 Or, ‘for disorderly behaviour and want of discipline,”’ 


me XENOPHON’S DEFENCE 165 
selves at our expense. Now, if this conduct were to be 
the rule, general ruin would be the result. I do not deny 
that I have given blows to this man or the other who 
played the poltroon and refused to get up, helplessly aban- 
doning himself to the enemy; and so I forced them to 
march on. For once in the severe wintry weather I myself 
happened to sit down for a long time, whilst waiting for a party 
who were getting their kit together, and I discovered how 
difficult it was to get up again and stretch one’s legs. After 
this personal experience, whenever I saw any one else seated 
in slack and lazy mood, I tried to spur him on. The mere 
movement and effort to play the man caused warmth and moist- 
ure, whereas it was plain that sitting down and keeping quiet 
helped the blood to freeze and the toes to mortify, calamities 
which really befell several of the men, as you yourselves are 
aware. 

“T can imagine a third case, that of some straggler stopping 
behind, merely to rest for rest’s sake, and hindering you in 
front and us behind alike from pressing on the march. If he 
got a blow with the fist from me it saved him a thrust with 
the lance from the enemy. In fact, the opportunity they enjoy 
to-day of taking vengeance on me for any treatment which 
I put upon them wrongfully, is derived from their salva- 
tion then ; whereas, if they had fallen into the enemy’s hands, 
let them ask themselves for what outrage, however great, 
they could expect to get satisfaction now. My defence,” he 
continued, ‘‘is simple: if I chastised any one for his own 
good, I claim to suffer the same penalties as parents pay their 
children or masters their boys. Does not the surgeon also 
cauterise and cut us for our good? But if you really believe 
that these acts are the outcome of wanton insolence, I beg 
you to observe that although to-day, thank God! I am heartier 
than formerly, I wear a bolder front now than then, and I drink 
more wine, yet I never strike a soul; no, for I see that you 
have reached smooth water. When storm arises, and a great 
sea strikes the vessel amidships, a mere shake of the head 
will make the look-out man furious with the crew in the 
forecastle, or the helmsman with the men in the stern sheets, 
for at such a crisis even a slight slip may ruin everything. 


166 ANABASIS—BK. V. ia oe 


But I appeal to your own verdict, already recorded, in proof 
that I was justified in striking these men. You stood by, sirs, 
with swords, not voting tablets, in your hands, and it was in your 
power to aid the fellows if you liked; but, to speak the honest 
truth, you neither aided them nor did you join me in striking 
the disorderly. In other words, you enabled any evilly-dis- 
posed person among them to give rein to his wantonness by 
your passivity. For if you will be at pains to investigate, you 
will find that those who were then most cowardly are the 
ringleaders to-day in brutality and outrage. 

“There is Boiscus the boxer, a Thessalian, what a battle 
he fought then to escape carrying his shield! so tired was 
he, and to-day I am told he has stripped several citizens of 
Cotyora of the clothes on their backs. If then you are wise, 
you will treat this personage in a way the contrary to that in 
which men treat dogs. A savage dog is tied up in the day 
and loosed at night, but if you are wise you will tie this fellow 
up at night and only let him loose in the day. 

“But really,” he added, “it does surprise me with what 
keenness you remember and recount the times when I in- 
curred the hatred of some one ; but some other occasions when 
I eased the burthen of winter and storm for any of you, or 
beat off an enemy, or helped to minister to you in sickness 
and want, not a soul of you remembers these. Or when for 
any noble deed done by any of you I praised the doer, and 
according to my ability did honour to this brave man or that ; 
these things have slipped from your memories, and are clean 
forgotten. Yet it were surely more noble, just, and holy, 
sweeter and kindlier to treasure the memory of good rather 
than of evil.” 

He ended, and then one after another of the assembly 
got up and began recalling incidents of the kind suggested, 
and things ended not so unpleasantly after all. 


BOOK VI. 1..1-5 


1.—After this, whilst waiting, they lived partly on supplies 
from the market, partly on the fruit of raids into Paphlagonia. 
The Paphlagonians, on their side, showed much skill in kid- 
napping stragglers, wherever they could lay hands on them, 
and in the night time tried to do mischief to those whose 
quarters were at a distance from the camp. ‘The result was 
that their relations to one another were exceedingly hostile, so 
much so that Corylas,t who was the chief of Paphlagonia at 
that date, sent ambassadors to the Hellenes, bearing horses 
and fine apparel, and charged with a proposal on the part 
of Corylas to make terms with the Hellenes on the principle 
of mutual forbearance from injuries. The generals replied 
that they would consult with the army about the matter. 
Meanwhile they gave them a hospitable reception, to which 
they invited certain members of the army whose claims 
were obvious.” They sacrificed some of the captive cattle 
and other sacrificial beasts, and with these they furnished 
forth a sufficiently festal entertainment, and reclining on their 
truckle beds, fell to eating and drinking out of beakers made 
of horn which they happened to find in the country. 

But as soon as the libation was ended and they had sung 
the hymn, up got first some Thracians, who performed a dance 
under arms to the sound of a pipe, leaping high into the air 
with much nimbleness, and brandishing their swords, till at last 
one man struck his fellow, and every one thought he was really 


1 See above, pp. 148, 149. 
2 Or, ‘‘such . . . as had the best title to be present.” 


168 ANABASIS—BK. VI. CH ce 


wounded, so skilfully and artistically did he fall, and the 
Paphlagonians screamed out. ‘Then he that gave the blow 
stripped the other of his arms, and marched off chanting the 
“ Sitalcas,”! whilst others of the Thracians bore off the other, 
who lay as if dead, though he had not received even a scratch. 

After this some Aenianians? and Magnesians got up and fell 
to dancing the Carpaea, as it is called, under arms. This was 
the manner of the dance: one man lays aside his arms and 
proceeds to drive a yoke of oxen, and while he drives he sows, 
turning him about frequently, as though he were afraid of some- 
thing ; up comes a cattle-lifter, and no sooner does the plough- 
man catch sight of him afar, than he snatches up his arms 
and confronts him. They fight in front of his team, and all 
in rhythm to the sound of the pipe. At last the robber binds 
the countryman and drives off the team. Or sometimes the 
cattle-driver binds the robber, and then he puts him under the 
yoke beside the oxen, with his two hands tied behind his back, 
and off he drives. 

After this a Mysian came in with a light shield in either 
hand and danced, at one time going through a pantomime, 
as if he were dealing with two assailants at once; at another 
plying his shields as if to face a single foe, and then again he 
would whirl about and throw somersaults, keeping the shields 
in his hands, so that it was a beautiful spectacle. Last of all 
he danced the Persian dance,’ clashing the shields together, 
crouching down on one knee and springing up again from earth ; 
and all this he did in measured time to the sound of the flute. 
After him the Mantineans stepped upon the stage, and some 
other Arcadians also stood up; they had accoutred themselves 
in all their warlike finery. They marched with measured tread, 
pipes playing, to the tune of the ‘ warriors’ march’ ;* the notes 

1 /.e, the national Thracian hymn ; for Sitalcas the king, a national hero, 
see Thuc, li. 29. 

2 The Aenianians, an Aeolian people inhabiting the upper valley of the 
Sperchius (the ancient Phthia); their capital was Hypata. These men be- 
longed to the army collected by Menon, the Thessalian, see above, p. 5. So, 
doubtless, did the Magnesians, another Aeolian tribe occupying the mountain- 
ous coast district on the east of Thessaly. See Kiepert’s Wan. Anct. Geog. 
(Macmillan’s tr.), chap. vii. 161, 170. 


° Lit. ‘‘the Persian,’’ as we say ‘‘the Schottische,’’ or ‘‘ the Polonaise.” 
4 See Plato, Rep. 400 B, for this ‘‘war measure’’; also Aristoph. Clouds, 653. 


ae ae BY SEA TO SINOPE 169 


of the paean rose, lightly their limbs moved in dance, as in 
solemn procession to the holy gods. The Paphlagonians looked 
upon it as something truly strange that all these dances should 
be under arms; and the Mysians, seeing their astonishment, 
persuaded one of the Arcadians who had got a dancing girl to 
let him introduce her, which he did after dressing her up 
magnificently and giving her a light shield. When, lithe of 
limb, she danced the Pyrrhic,! loud clapping followed ; and 
the Paphlagonians asked, “If these women fought by their 
side in battle ?” to which they answered, “To be sure, it was 
the women who routed the great King, and drove him out of 
camp.” So ended the night. 

But next day the generals introduced the embassy to the 
army, and the soldiers passed a resolution in the sense pro- 
posed: between themselves and the Paphlagonians there was 
to be a mutual abstinence from injuries. After this the am- 
bassadors went their way, and the Hellenes, as soon as it was 
thought that sufficient vessels had arrived, went on board ship, 
and voyaged a day and a night with a fair breeze, keeping 
Paphlagonia on their left. And on the following day, arriving 
at Sinope, they came to moorings in the harbour of Harmene, 
near Sinope.? The Sinopeans, though inhabitants of Paphla- 
gonia, are really colonists of the Milesians. They sent gifts of 
hospitality to the Hellenes, three thousand measures * of barley 
with fifteen hundred jars of wine. At this place Cheirisophus 
rejoined them with a man-of-war. The soldiers certainly 
expected that, having come, he would have brought them 
something, but he brought them nothing, except complimentary 
phrases, on the part of Anaxibius, the high admiral, and the 
rest, who sent them their congratulations, coupled with a pro- 
mise on the part of Anaxibius that, as soon as they were out- 
side the Euxine, pay would be forthcoming. 


1 For this famous dance, supposed to be of Doric (Cretan or Spartan) 
origin, see Smith’s Dzct. of Antiquzties, ‘‘Saltatio’’; also Guhl and Koner, 
The Life of the Greeks and Romans, Eng. tr. § 67, pp. 272 and foll. 

2 See above, pp. 35) 36. 

3 Harmene, a port of Sinope, between four and five miles (fifty stades) west 
of that important city, itself a port town. See Smith, Déc¢. Geog., ‘‘ Sinope” ; 
and Kiepert, of. cz¢. chap. iv. 60. 

4 Lit. ‘‘three thousand medimni."’ The medimnus=about 14 bushel. 


190 ANABASIS—BK. VI. ha eee 
At Harmene the army halted five days ; and now that they 
seemed to be so close to Hellas, the question how they were to 
reach home not empty-handed ! presented itself more forcibly 
to their minds than heretofore. The conclusion they came to 
was to appoint a single general, since one man would be better 
able to handle the troops, by night or by day, than was possible 
while the generalship was divided. If secrecy were desirable, 
it would be easier to keep matters dark, or if again expedition 
were an object, there would be less risk of arriving a day too 
late, since mutual explanations would be avoided, and what- 
ever approved itself to the single judgment would at once be 
carried into effect, whereas previously the generals had done 
everything in obedience to the opinion of the majority. 

With these ideas working in their minds, they turned to 
Xenophon, and the officers came to him and told him that this 
was how the soldiers viewed matters ; and each of them, display- 
ing a warmth of kindly feeling, pressed him to accept the office. 
Xenophon partly would have liked to do so, in the belief that 
by so doing he would win to himself a higher repute in the esteem 
of his friends, and that his name would be reported to the city 
written large ; and by some stroke of fortune he might even be 
the discoverer of some blessing to the army collectively. 

These and the like considerations elated him; he had 
a strong desire to hold the supreme command. But then 
again, as he turned the matter over, the conviction deep- 
ened in his mind that the issue of the future is to every man 
uncertain ; and hence there was the risk of losing perhaps 
such reputation as he had already acquired. He was in sore 
straits, and, not knowing how to decide, it seemed best to him 
to lay the matter before heaven.? Accordingly, he led two 
victims to the altar and made sacrifice to Zeus the King, for 
it was he and no other who had been named by the oracle 
at Delphi,? and his belief was that the vision* which he 
beheld when he first essayed to undertake the joint ad- 
ministration of the army was sent to him by that god. He 
also recalled to mind a circumstance which befell him still 


! Or, ‘‘ with something to the good”; the phrase is colloquial. 
* Or, ‘‘to lay bare his heart to heaven,”’ an autobiographic passage. 
3 See above. p. 68. 4 See above, p. 69. 


May 2, 22? yoo} XENOPHON OFFERED SOLE COMMAND 171 
earlier, when setting out from Ephesus to associate himself 
with Cyrus ;'—how an eagle screamed on his right hand 
from the east, and still remained perched, and the soothsayer 
who was escorting him said that it was a great and royal 
omen,” indicating glory and yet suffering ; for the punier race 
of birds only attack the eagle when seated. ‘‘ Yet,” added he, 
“it bodes not gain in money ; for the eagle seizes his food, not 
when seated, but on the wing.” 

Thus Xenophon sacrificed, and the god as plainly as might 
be gave him a sign, neither to demand the generalship, nor, if 
chosen, to accept the office. And that was how the matter 
stood when the army met, and the proposal to elect a single 
leader was unanimous. After this resolution was passed, they 
proposed Xenophon for election, and when it seemed quite 
evident that they would elect him, if he put the question to the 
vote, he got up and spoke as follows :— 

“Sirs, I am but mortal, and must needs be happy to be 
honoured by you. I thank you, and am grateful, and my 
prayer is that the gods may grant me to be an instrument of 
blessing to you. Still, when I consider it closer, thus, in the 
presence of a Lacedaemonian, to be preferred by you as general, 
seems to me but ill conducive either to your interests or to 
mine, since you will the less readily obtain from them here- 
after anything you may need, while for myself I look upon 
acceptance as even somewhat dangerous. Do I not see and 
know with what persistence these Lacedaemonians prosecuted 
the war till finally they forced our State to acknowledge the 
leadership of Lacedaemon?* This confession once extorted 
from their antagonists, they ceased warring at once, and the 
siege of the city was at an end. If, with these facts before 
my eyes, I seem to be doing all I can to neutralise their high 
self-esteem, I cannot escape the reflection that personally I 
may be taught wisdom by a painful process. But with regard 
to your own idea that under a single general there will be less 

1 Cf. Cyrop. II. i. 1; an eagle appears to Cyrus on the frontiers of Persia, 
when about to join his uncle Cyaxares, king of Media, on his expedition 


against the Assyrian, 

2 It is important to note that the Greek word olwvds, a solitary or lone- 
flying bird, also means an omen. “It was a mighty bird and a mighty omen.” 
See above, p. 76, note 1. ENCE. Ale//a Ml ii, 


172 ANABASIS—BK. VI. es ee 


factiousness than when there were many, be assured that in 
choosing some other than me you will not find me factious. 
I hold that whosoever sets up factious opposition to his leader 
factiously opposes his own safety. While if you determine to 
choose me, I should not be surprised were that choice to entail 
upon you and me the resentment of other people.” 

After those remarks on Xenophon’s part, many more 
got up, one after another, insisting on the propriety of 
his undertaking the command. One of them, Agasias the 
Stymphalian, said: It was really ridiculous, if things had come 
to this pass that the Lacedaemonians are to fly in a rage 
because a number of friends have met together to dinner, and 
omitted to choose a Lacedaemonian to sit at the head of the 
table. ‘“‘ Really, if that is how matters stand,” said he, “I do 
not see what right we have to be officers even, we who are 
only Arcadians.” That sally brought down the plaudits of the 
assembly ; and Xenophon, seeing that something more was 
needed, stepped forward again and spoke, “Pardon, sirs,” 
he said, “let me make a clean breast of it. I swear to 
you by all the gods and goddesses ; verily and indeed, I no 
sooner perceived your purpose, than I consulted the victims, 
whether it was better for you to entrust this leadership to me, 
and for me to undertake it, or the reverse. And the gods 
vouchsafed a sign to me so plain that even a common man! 
might understand it, and perceive that from such sovereignty 
I must needs hold myself aloof.” 

Under these circumstances they chose Cheirisophus, who, 
after his election, stepped forward and said: “ Nay, sirs, be 
well assured of this, that had you chosen some one else, I 
for my part should not have set up factious opposition. As to 
Xenophon, I believe you have done him a good turn by not 
appointing him ; for even now Dexippus? has gone some way 
in traducing him to Anaxibius, as far as it lay in his power to 
do so, and that, in spite of my attempts to silence him. What 
he said was that he believed Xenophon would rather share 
the command of Clearchus’s army with Timasion, a Dardanian, 
than with himself, a Laconian. But,” continued Cheirisophus, 


1 Or, as we should say, a ‘‘layman.”’ 
2 See above, p. 134; and below, pp. 190 foll. 


Mayo secu '*} A VOYAGE TO HERACLEA 173 


“since your choice has fallen upon me, I will make it’ my 
endeavour to do you all the good in my power; so make 
your preparations to weigh anchor to-morrow; wind and 
weather permitting, we will voyage to Heraclea; every one 
nust endeavour, therefore, to put in at that port; and for the 
rest we will consult, when we are come thither.” 

u.—The next day they weighed anchor and set sail from 
Harmene with a fair breeze, two days’ voyage along the coast. 
[As they coasted along they came in sight of Jason’s beach,} 
where, as the story says, the ship Argo came to moorings ; 
and then the mouths of the rivers, first the Thermodon, then 
the Iris, then the Halys, and next to it the Parthenius.] Coast- 
ing past [the latter], they reached Heraclea,? a Hellenic city 
and a colony of the Megarians, situated in the territory of the 
Mariandynians. So they came to anchorage off the Acher- 
usian Chersonese, where Heracles? is said to have descended 
to bring up the dog Cerberus, at a point where they still 
show the marks of his descent, a deep cleft more than two 
furlongs down. Here the Heracleots sent the Hellenes, as 
gifts of hospitality, three thousand measures* of barley and 
two thousand jars of wine, twenty beeves and one hundred 
sheep. Through the flat country here flows the Lycus river, 
as it is called, about two hundred feet in breadth. 

The soldiers held a meeting, and took counsel about the 
remainder of the journey: should they make their exit from 
the Pontus by sea or by land? and Lycon the Achaean got up 
and said: ‘I am astonished, sirs, that the generals do not 
endeavour to provide us more efficiently with provisions. 

1 [ have left this passage in the text, although it involves, at first sight, 
a topographical error on the part of whoever wrote it, and Hug and other com- 
mentators regard it as spurious. Jason's beach (the modern Yasotin Bouroun) 
and the three first-named rivers lie between Cotyora and Sinope. Possibly the 
author, or one of his editors, somewhat loosely inserted a recapitulatory note 
concerning the scenery of this coasting voyage at this point. ‘“ By the way, I 
ought to have told you that as they coasted along,’ etc. 

2 One of the most powerful of commercial cities, distinguished as 7 rovriK7, 
Pontica (whence, in the middle ages, Penteraklia), now Eregli. It was one 
of the clder Greek settlements, and, like Kalchedon (to give that town its 
proper name), a Megaro-Doric colony. See Kiepert, of, cz¢. chap. iv. 62. 

3 According to another version of the legend Heracles went down to bring 


up Cerberus, not here, but at Taenarum, 


4 Lit. “three thousand medimni.” See above, p. 169, note 4. 


174 ANABASIS—BK. VI. Te 


These gifts of hospitality will not afford three days’ victuals for 
the army; nor do I see from what region we are to provide 
ourselves as we march. My proposal, therefore, is to demand 
of the Heracleots at least three thousand cyzicenes.”! Another 
speaker suggested ‘“‘not less than ten thousand. Let us at 
once, before we break up this meeting, send ambassadors to 
the city and ascertain their answer to the demand and take 
counsel accordingly.” Thereupon they proceeded to put up 
as ambassadors, first and foremost Cheirisophus, as he had 
been chosen general-in-chief ; others also named Xenophon. 

But both Cheirisophus and Xenophon stoutly declined, 
maintaining both alike that they could not compel a Hellenic 
city, actually friendly, to give anything which they did not 
spontaneously offer. So, since these two appeared to be back- 
ward, the soldiers sent Lycon the Achaean, Callimachus the 
Parrhasian, and Agasias the Stymphalian. These three went 
and announced the resolutions passed by the army. Lycon, 
it was said, even went so far as to threaten certain conse- 
quences in case they refused to comply. The Heracleots 
said they would deliberate ; and, without more ado, they got 
together their goods and chattels from their farms and fields 
outside, and dismantled the market outside and transferred it 
within, after which the gates were closed, and arms appeared at 
the battlements of the walls. 

At that check, the authors of these tumultuary measures fell 
to accusing the generals, as if they had marred the proceeding ; 
and the Arcadians and Achaeans banded together, chiefly under 
the auspices of the two ringleaders, Callimachus the Parrhasian 
and Lycon the Achaean. ‘The language they held was to this 
effect: It was outrageous that a single Athenian and a Lace- 
daemonian, who had not contributed a soldier to the expedition, 
should rule Peloponnesians ;? scandalous that they themselves 
should bear the toils whilst others pocketed the spoils, and that 
too though the preservation of the army was due to themselves ; 

1 Three thousand cyzicenes=about £3000, See above, p. 154, note 1, 

2 Reading with Hug xal Aaxedaimdvioy . . . mapexouévous x.7.A. This 
seems preferable to the vulgate cal Aaxedatpovlew ... mapexduevoy, ‘that a 
single Athenian, who had not contributed, etc., should rule Peloponnesians 


and Lacedaemonians."’ The Lacedaemonian referred to is of course Cheiri- 
sophus, 


ae DIVISION OF THE ARMY 175° 


une 


for, as every one must admit, to the Arcadians and Achaeans 
the credit of that achievement was due, and the rest of the 
army went for nothing (which was indeed so far true that the 
Arcadians and Achaeans did form numerically the larger half 
of the whole army). What then did common sense suggest ? 
Why, that they, the Arcadians and Achaeans, should make 
common cause, choose generals for themselves independently, 
continue the march, and try somewhat to better their condition. 
This proposal was carried. All the Arcadians and Achaeans 
who chanced to be with Cheirisophus left him and Xenophon, 
setting up for themselves and choosing ten generals of their own. 
These ten, it was decreed, were to put into effect such measures 
as approved themselves to the majority. Thus the absolute 
authority vested in Cheirisophus was terminated there and 
then, within less than a week of his appointment. 

Xenophon however was minded to prosecute the journey 
in their company, thinking that this would be a safer plan than 
for each to start on his own account. But Neon threw in his 
weight in favour of separate action.! “ Every one for himself,” 
he said, for he had heard from Cheirisophus that Cleander, the 
Spartan governor-general at Byzantium, talked of coming to 
Calpe Haven with some war vessels. Neon’s advice was due 
to his desire to secure a passage home in these war vessels for 
themselves and their soldiers, without allowing any one else to 
share in their good-fortune. As for Cheirisophus, he was at 
once so out of heart at the turn things had taken, and soured 
with the whole army, that he left it to his subordinate, Neon, 
to do just what he liked. Xenophon, on his side, would still 
have been glad to be quit of the expedition and sail home ;? 
but on offering sacrifice to Heracles the Leader, and seeking 
advice, whether it were better and more desirable to continue 
the march in charge of the soldiers who had remained faith- 
ful, or to take his departure, the god indicated to him by the 
victims that he should adopt the former course. 

In this way the army was now split up into three divisions.* 
First, the Arcadians and Achaeans, over four thousand five 

1 Or, ‘‘urged him’’ (Xenophon) “to take separate action.” 


2 See above, p. 156; and for the use of é71, cf. Plato, Protag. 310 C. 
3 The total now amounted to 8640 and over. See above, p. 5, note 7; 


p. 128. note 4. 


176 ANABASIS==BK> VE> {9° 9 ae 
hundred men, all heavy infantry. Secondly, Cheirisophus and 
his men, viz. one thousand four hundred heavy infantry and 
the seven hundred peltasts, or Clearchus’s Thracians. ‘Thirdly, 
Xenophon’s division of one thousand seven hundred heavy 
infantry, and three hundred peltasts ; but then he alone had 
the cavalry—about forty troopers. 

The Arcadians, who had bargained with the Heracleots and 
got some vessels from them, were the first to set sail; they 
hoped, by pouncing suddenly on the Bithynians, to make as 
large a haul as possible. With that object they disembarked 
at Calpe Haven,! pretty nearly at a middle point in Thrace. 
Cheirisophus setting off straight from Heraclea, commenced a 
land march through the country; but having entered into 
Thrace, he preferred to cling to the seaboard, health and 
strength failing him. Xenophon, lastly, took vessels, and dis- 
embarking on the confines of Thrace and the Heracleotid, 
pushed forward through the heart of the country.” 

u1.-—The Arcadians, disembarking under cover of night at 
Calpe Haven, marched against the nearest villages about thirty 
furlongs from the sea; and as soon as it was light, each of the 
ten generals led his company to attack one village, or if the 
village were large, a couple of companies advanced under their 
combined generals. They further agreed upon a certain knoll, 
where they were all eventually to assemble. So sudden was 
their attack that they seized a number of captives and enclosed 
a multitude of small cattle. But the Thracians who escaped 
began to collect again; for being light-armed troops they 
had slipped in large numbers through the hands of the heavy 
infantry; and now that they were got together they first 
attacked the company of the Arcadian general, Smicres, who 
had done his work and was retiring to the appointed meeting- 
place,® driving along a large train of captives and cattle. For 


1 The Haven of Calpe, Kdédmns \yujv=Kirpe Liman or Karpe in the 
modern maps. ‘The name is interesting as being also the ancient name of the 
rock fortress of Gibraltar. See the Dzct. of Geog. 5. v. 

2 Some MSS. here read, “In the prior chapter will be found a description 
of the manner in which the absolute command of Cheirisophus was abruptly 
terminated and the army of the Hellenes broken up. The sequel will show 
how each of these divisions fared.'’ The passage is probably one of those 
commentators’ notes, with which we are now familiar. 

3 Lit. “who was already retiring,”’ 


aye THE ARCADIANS V7 
a good while the Hellenes maintained a running fight ;!’but 
at the passage of a gorge the enemy routed them, slaying 
Smicres himself and those with him to a man. The fate of 
another company under command of Hegesander, another of 
the ten, was nearly as bad; only eight men escaped, Heges- 
ander being one of them. The remaining captains? eventually 
met, some with somewhat to show for their pains, others 
empty-handed. 

The Thracians, having achieved this success, kept up a 
continual shouting and clatter of conversation to one another 
during the night; but with day-dawn they marshalled them- 
selves right round the knoll on which the Hellenes were en- 
camped—both cavalry in large numbers and light-armed troops 
—while every minute the stream of new-comers grew greater. 
Then they commenced an attack on the heavy infantry in all 
security ; for the Hellenes had not a single bowman, javelin- 
man, or mounted trooper amongst them; while the enemy 
rushed forward on foot or galloped up on horseback and let 
fly their javelins. It was vain to attempt to retaliate, so lightly 
did they spring back and escape ; and ever the attack renewed 
itself from every point, so that on one side man after man 
was wounded, on the other not a soul was touched ; the result 
being that they could not stir from their position, and the 
Thracians ended by cutting them off even from their water. 
In their despair they began to parley about a truce, and finally 
various concessions were made and terms agreed to between 
them ; but the Thracians would not hear of giving hostages in 
answer to the demand of the Hellenes; at that point the 
matter rested.? So fared it with the Arcadians. 

As to Cheirisophus, that general prosecuted his march 


1 Lit. “marched and fought,” as did the forlorn hope under Sir C, Wilson 
making its way from Abu Klea to the Nile in Jan, 1885, 

2 «« Captains’’ Noxayol—so the MSS, read—but the emendation of Panta- 
zides is almost certainly right Aéyor ‘‘companies."’ It will be recollected that 
the ten seceding Arcadian companies were led by ten separate ‘‘ generals,” 
oTparnyol, of whom the ill-starred Smicres was one. Hug remarks that 
Adxwv and Aoxayév are apt to be confounded in the MSS., as e.g. below, p. 
215, VII. iil. 46. 

3 Or, “but when the terms were but all concluded, the Thracians refused to 
give the hostages which the Hellenes required, and there was nothing more to 


be done.” 
N 


178 ANABASIS—BK; VI. (ee 


along the seaboard, and without check reached Calpe Haven. 
Xenophon advanced through the heart of the country ; and 
his cavalry pushing on in front, came upon some old men pur- 
suing their road somewhither, who were brought to him, and 
in answer to his question, whether they had caught sight of 
another Hellenic army anywhere, told him all that had lately 
taken place, adding that at present they were being besieged 
upon a knoll with all the Thracians in close circle round 
them. ‘Thereupon he kept the old men under strict guard to 
serve as guides in case of need; next, having appointed out- 
posts, he called a meeting of the soldiers, and addressed them : 
‘* Soldiers, some of the Arcadians are dead and the rest are 
being besieged upon a certain knoll. Now my own belief 
is, that if they are to perish, with their deaths the seal is 
set to our own fate: since we must reckon with an enemy 
at once numerous and emboldened. Clearly our best course 
is to hasten to their rescue, if haply we may find them still 
alive, and do battle by their side rather than suffer isolation, 
confronting danger single-handed. 

“Let us then at once push forward as far as may seem 
opportune till supper-time, and then encamp. As long as we 
are marching, let ‘Timasion, with the cavalry, gallop on in front, 
but without losing sight of us ; and let him examine all closely 
in front, so that nothing may escape our observation.” (At 
the same time too, he sent out some nimble fellows of the 
light-armed troops to the flanks and to the high tops, who were 
to give a signal if they espied anything anywhere; ordering 
them to burn everything inflammable which lay in their path.)? 
“ As for ourselves,” he continued, ‘‘we need not look to find 
cover in any direction; for it is a long step back to Heraclea 
and a long leap across to Chrysopolis, and the enemy is at the 
door. The shortest road is to Calpe Haven, where we sup- 
pose Cheirisophus, if safe, to be; but then, when we get 
there, at Calpe Haven there are no vessels for us to sail away 
in ; and if we stop here, we have not provisions for a single day. 
Suppose the beleaguered Arcadians left to their fate, we shall 
find it but a sorry alternative to run the gauntlet with Cheiri- 


1 Hug, following Rehdantz, inserts this paragraph at the end of the speech, 
which it somewhat interrupts, after the words ‘‘he led the way"’ below. 


ore RESCUED BY XENOPHON 179 


sophus’s detachment alone ; better to save them if we-can, 
and with united forces work out our deliverance in common. 
But if so, we must set out with minds prepared, since to-day 
either a glorious death awaits us or the achievement of a 
deed of noblest emprise in the rescue of so many Hellene lives. 
Maybe it is God who leads us thus, God who chooses to 
humble the proud boaster, boasting as though he were exceed- 
ing wise, but for us, the beginning of whose every act is by 
heaven’s grace, that same God reserves a higher grade of 
honour. One duty I would recall to you, to apply your minds 
to the execution of the orders with promptitude.” 

With these words he led the way.! The cavalry, scattering 
as far in advance as was prudent, wherever they set foot, set 
fire. The peltasts moving parallel on the high ground were 
similarly employed, burning everything combustible they could 
discover. While the main army, wherever they came upon 
anything which had accidentally escaped, completed the 
work, so that the whole country looked as if it were ablaze ; 
and the army might easily pass for a larger one. When the 
hour had come, they turned aside to a knoll and took up 
quarters ; and there they espied the enemy’s watch-fires. He 
was about forty furlongs distant.2 On their side also they 
kindled as many watch-fires as possible; but as soon as they 
had dined the order was passed to quench all the fires. So 
during the night they posted guards and slept. But at 
daybreak they offered prayers to the gods, and drawing up in 
order of battle, began marching with what speed they might. 
Timasion and the cavalry, who had the guides with them, 
and were moving on briskly in front, found themselves with- 
out knowing it at the very knoll upon which the Hellenes 
had been beleaguered. But no army could they discover, 
whether of friend or foe ; only some starveling old women and 
men, with a few sheep and oxen which had been left behind. 
This news they reported to Xenophon and the main body. 
At first the marvel was what had happened ; but ere long they 
found out by inquiries from the folk who had been left 
behind, that the Thracians had set off immediately after sun- 
down, and were gone; the Hellenes had waited till morning 


1 Or, ‘set fire wherever they came.” * Lit, “about forty stades,”’ 


180 ANABASIS—BK. VI. {© 1" §73.0H. 83 
before they made off, but in what direction, they could not 
say. 

On hearing this, Xenophon’s troops first breakfasted, 
and then getting their kit together began their march, desiring 
to unite with the rest at Calpe’s Haven without loss of time. 
As they continued their march, they came across the track of 
the Arcadians and Achaeans along the road to Caipe, and both 
divisions arriving eventually at the same place, were overjoyed 
to see one another again, and they embraced each other like 
brothers. Then the Arcadians inquired of Xenophon’s officers 
—why they had quenched the watch-fires? “At first,” said 
they, “when we lost sight of your watch-fires, we expected you 
to attack the enemy in the night; and the enemy, so at least 
we imagined,! must have been afraid of that and so set off. 
The time at any rate at which they set off would correspond. 
But when the requisite time had elapsed and you did not come, 
we concluded that you must have learnt what was happening 
to us, and in terror had made a bolt for it to the seaboard.” 
We resolved not to be left behind by you; and that is how 
we also came to march hither.” 

iv.—During this day they contented themselves with 
bivouacking there on the beach at the harbour. The place 
which goes by the name of Calpe Haven is in Asiatic Thrace, 
the name given to a region extending from the mouth of the 
Euxine all the way to Heraclea, which lies on the right hand 
as you sail into the Euxine. It is a long day’s voyage for a 
war-ship, using her three banks of oars, from Byzantium to 
Heraclea, and between these two there is not a single Hellenic 
or friendly city, but only these Bithynian Thracians, who have 
a bad reputation for the savagery with which they treat any 
Hellenes cast ashore by shipwreck or otherwise thrown into 
their power. 

Now the haven of Calpe lies exactly midway, halving the 
voyage between Byzantium and Heracleia. It is a long pro- 
montory running out into the sea ; the seaward portion being 
a rocky precipice, at no point less than twenty fathoms ® high ; 


1 Or, ‘‘we imagined,” lit. ‘‘as we at least imagined.” 
2 Or, ‘‘had made off in terror to the seaboard,” 7.¢. like runaway slaves 
skulking into hiding. ° Or, ‘‘one hundred and twenty feet.” 


fered CALPE HAVEN 181 
but on the landward side there is a neck about four hundred 
feet wide ; and the space inside the neck is capable of accom- 
modating ten thousand inhabitants, and there is a haven im- 
mediately under the crag with a beach facing the west. Then 
there is a copious spring of fresh water flowing on the very 
marge of the seat commanded by the stronghold. Again, there 
is plenty of wood of various sorts ; but most plentiful of all, fine 
shipbuilding timber down to the very edge of the sea. The 
upland stretches into the heart of the country for twenty fur- 
longs at least. It is good loamy soil, free from stones. Fora 
still greater distance the seaboard is thickly grown with large 
timber trees of every description. ‘The surrounding country is 
beautiful and spacious, containing numerous well populated 
villages. The soil produces barley and wheat, and pulse of all 
sorts, millet and sesame, figs in ample supply, with numerous 
vines producing sweet wines, and indeed everything else except 
olives. Such is the character of the country. 

The tents were pitched on the seaward-facing beach, the 
soldiers being altogether averse to camping on ground which 
might so easily be converted into a city. Indeed, their 
arrival at the place at all seemed very like the crafty design 
of some persons who were minded to found a city. The 
aversion was not unnatural, since the majority of the soldiers 
had not left their homes on so long a voyage from scantiness 
of subsistence, but attracted by the fame of Cyrus’s virtues ; 
some of them bringing followers, while others had expended 
money on the expedition. And amongst them was a third 
set who had run away from fathers and mothers; while a 
different class had left children behind, hoping to return to 
them with money or other gains. Other people with Cyrus 
won great success, they were told ;? why should it not be so 
with them? Being persons then of this description, the one 
longing of their hearts was to reach Hellas safely. 

It was on the day after their meeting that Xenophon 
sacrificed as a preliminary to a military expedition ; for it was 
needful to march out in search of provisions, besides which 


1 Or, ‘‘ within easy reach of the haven; plenty of wood of various sorts, 
most especially fine shipbuilding timber,’’ etc. 
2 Le, ‘this society was itself a passport to good fortune.” 


CH. IV. § 9-13 


182 ANABASIS—BK. VI. { Fa B.C. 400 


he designed burying the dead. As soon as the victims proved 
favourable they all set out, the Arcadians following! with the 
rest. The majority of the dead, who had lain already five 
days, they buried just where they had fallen, in groups; to 
remove their bodies now would have been impossible. Some 
few, who lay off the roads, they got together and buried with 
what splendour they could, considering the means in their 
power. Others they could not find, and for these they erected 
a great cenotaph,? and covered it with wreaths. When it was 
all done, they returned home to camp. At that time they 
supped, and went to rest. 

Next day there was a general meeting of the soldiers, 
collected chiefly by Agasias the Stymphalian, a captain, and 
Hieronymus, an Eleian, also a captain, and other seniors of 
the Arcadians; and they passed a resolution that, for the 
future, whoever revived the idea of breaking up the army 
should be punished by death. And the army, it was decided, 
would now resume its old position under the command of its 
former generals. Though Cheirisophus, indeed, had already 
died under medical treatment for fever;? and Neon the 
Asinaean had taken his place. 

After these resolutions Xenophon got up and said: 
“Soldiers, the journey must now, I presume, be conducted on 
foot ; indeed this is clear, since we have no vessels; and we 
are driven to commence it at once, for we have no provisions 
if we stop. We then,” he continued, “will sacrifice, and you 
must prepare yourselves to fight now, if ever, for the spirit of 
the enemy has revived.*” 

Thereupon the generals sacrificed, in the presence of the 
Arcadian seer, Arexion; for Silanus the Ambraciot had char- 
tered a vessel at Heraclea and made his escape ere this. 

1 7, in the cortége. 

2 ««Cenotaph,” z.e. ‘an empty tomb.”’ The word is interesting as occur- 
ring only in Xenophon, until we come to the writers of the Kkow7 or common 
dialect, Compare tooxvamos, ‘‘hyuscyamus,”’ hogbean, our henbane, which 
we also owe to Xenophon, Oéecon. i. 13, see Sauppe, Lexil. Xen. s.vv. 

8 This I take to be the meaning of the words, which are necessarily am- 
biguous, since @dpuakoy, ‘‘adrug,’’ also means ‘‘poison,”” Did Cheirisophus 
conceivably die of fever brought on by some poisonous draught? or did he 


take poison whilst suffering from fever? or did he die under treatment ? 
4 7.e. ‘‘his courage is at the flood,” 


a: VICTIMS UNFAVOURABLE 183 
Sacrificing with a view to departure, the victims proved un- 
favourable to them. Accordingly they waited that day. Certain 
people were bold enough to say that Xenophon, out of his 
desire to colonise the place, had persuaded the seer to say 
that the victims were unfavourable to departure. Consequently 
he proclaimed by herald next morning that any one who liked 
should be present at the sacrifice ; or if he were a seer he was 
bidden to be present and help to inspect the victims. Then 
he sacrificed, and there were numbers present ; but though the 
sacrifice on the question of departure was repeated as many 
as three times, the victims were persistently unfavourable. 
Thereat the soldiers were in high dudgeon, for the provisions 
they had brought with them had reached the lowest ebb, and 
there was no market to be had. 

Consequently there was another meeting, and Xenophon 
spoke again: ‘‘ Men,” said he, “the victims are, as you may 
see for yourselves, not yet favourable to the march; but 
meanwhile, as I can see for myself, you are in need of pro- 
visions; accordingly we must narrow the sacrifice to the 
particular point.” Some one got up and said: “ Naturally 
enough the victims are unfavourable, for, as I learnt from 
some one on a vessel which arrived here yesterday by acci- 
dent, Cleander, the governor at Byzantium, intends coming 
here with ships and men-of-war.” Thereat they were all in 
favour of stopping ; but they must needs go out for provisions, 
and with this object he again sacrificed three times, and the 
victims remained adverse. Things had now reached such 
a pass that the men actually came to Xenophon’s tent to pro- 
claim that they had no provisions. His sole answer was that 
he would not lead them out till the victims were favourable. 

So again the next day he sacrificed ; and nearly the whole 
army, so strong was the general anxiety, flocked round the 
victims ; and now the yery victims themselves failed. So 
the generals, instead of leading out the army, called the men 
together. Xenophon, as was incumbent on him, spoke: “It 
is quite possible that the enemy are collected in a body, and 
we shall have to fight. If we were to leave our baggage in 
the strong place ” (pointing overhead) “and sally forth prepared 
for battle, the victims might favour us.” But the soldiers, on 


184 ANABASIS—=BK, VI. {°% SRR Ue 
hearing this proposal, cried out, “ No need to take us inside that 
place ; better sacrifice with all speed.” Now sheep there were 
none any longer. So they purchased oxen from under a wagon 
and sacrificed ; and Xenophon begged Cleanor the Arcadian to 
superintend the sacrifice on his behalf, in case there might be 
some change now. But even so there was no improvement. 

Now Neon was general in place of Cheirisophus, and seeing 
the men suffering so cruelly from want, he was willmg to do 
them a good turn. So he got hold of some Heracleot or other 
who said he knew of villages close by from which they could 
get provisions, and proclaimed by herald: “If any one liked 
to come out and get provisions, be it known that he, Neon, 
would be their leader.” So out came the men with spears, 
and wine skins and sacks and other vessels—two thousand 
strong in all. But when they had reached the villages and 
began to scatter for the purpose of foraging, Pharnabazus’s 
cavalry were the first to fall upon them. They had come to 
the aid of the Bithynians, wishing, if possible, in conjunction 
with the latter, to hinder the Hellenes from entering Phrygia. 
These troopers killed no less than five hundred of the men ; 
the rest fled for their lives up into the hill country. 

News of the catastrophe was presently brought into camp 
by one of those who had escaped, and Xenophon, seeing that 
the victims had not been favourable on that day, took a 
wagon bullock, in the absence of other sacrificial beasts, 
offered it up, and started for the rescue, he and the rest under 
thirty years of age! to the last man. Thus they picked up the 
remnant of Neon’s party and returned to camp. It was now 
about sunset; and the Hellenes in deep despondency were 
making their evening meal, when all of a sudden, through 
bush and brake,.a party of Bithynians fell upon the pickets, 
cutting down some and chasing the rest into camp. In the 
midst of screams and shouts the Hellenes ran to their arms, 
one and all; yet to pursue or move the camp in the night 
seemed hardly safe, for the ground was thickly grown with 
bush ; all they could do was to strengthen the outposts and 
keep watch under arms the livelong night. 

v.—And so they spent the night, but with day-dawn the 

1 Some MSS. give “fifty,” but ‘ thirty” is more likely to be right. 


7 halal THE BITHYNIANS 185 


generals led the way into the natural fastness, and the others 
picked up their arms and baggage and followed the lead. 
Before the breakfast-hour arrived, they had fenced off with a 
ditch the only side on which lay ingress into the place, and 
had palisaded off the whole, leaving only three gates. . Anon 
a ship from Heraclea arrived bringing barleymeal, victim 
animals, and wine. 

Xenophon was up betimes, and made the usual offering 
before starting on an expedition, and at the first victim the 
sacrifice was favourable. Just as the sacrifice. ended, the 
seer, Arexion the Parrhasian, caught sight of an eagle, which 
boded well, and bade Xenophon lead on. So they crossed the 
trench and grounded arms. Then proclamation was made by 
herald for the soldiers to breakfast and start on an expedition 
under arms; the mob of sutlers and the captured slaves would 
be left in camp. Accordingly the mass of the troops set out. 
Neon alone remained ; for it seemed best to leave that general 
and his men to guard the contents of the camp. But when the 
officers and soldiers had left them? in the lurch, they were so 
ashamed to stop in camp while the rest marched out, that they 
too set out, leaving only those above five-and-forty years of age. 

These then stayed, while the rest set out on the march. 
Before they had gone two miles, they stumbled upon dead 
bodies, and when they had brought up the rear of the column 
in a line with the first bodies to be seen, they began digging 
graves and burying all included in the column from end to 
end. After burying the first batch, they advanced, and again 
bringing the rear even with the first unburied bodies which 
appeared, they buried in the same way all which the line of 
troops included. Finally, reaching the road that led out of 
‘the villages where the bodies Jay thick together, they collected 
them and laid them in a common grave. 

It was now about midday, when pushing forward the troops 
up to the villages” without entering them, they proceeded to 
seize provisions, laying hands on everything they could set eyes 

1 Reading dmé\roy avrovds; or, reading with Hug, dmé\evrov atrdv— 
‘‘but when his officers and soldiers were for leaving Neon in the lurch, as 
they were ashamed to stop in camp while the rest of the army marched out, 


the generals ended by leaving behind only those above five-and-forty years 
of age.” * Or, ‘‘to the outer edge of the villages.” 


186 ANABASIS—BK. VI. A lap ee 
on under cover of their lines ; when suddenly they caught sight 
of the enemy cresting certain hillocks in front of them, duly 
marshalled in line—a large body of cavalry and infantry. It 
was Spithridates and Rhathines, sent by Pharnabazus with their 
force at their backs. As soon as the enemy caught sight of the 
Hellenes, they stood still, about two miles distant. Then 
Arexion the seer sacrificed, and at the first essay the victims 
were favourable. Whereupon Xenophon addressed the other 
generals : “I would advise, sirs, that we should detach one 
or more flying columns! to support our main attack, so that 
in case of need at any point we may have reserves in readiness 
to assist our main body, and the enemy, in the confusion of 
battle, may find himself attacking the unbroken lines of troops 
not hitherto engaged.” ‘These views approved themselves to all. 
“Do you then,” said he, “lead on the vanguard straight at the 
enemy. Do not let us stand parleying here, now that we have 
caught sight of him and he of us. I will detach the hindmost 
companies in the way we have decided upon and follow you.” 
After that they quietly advanced, and he, withdrawing the rear- 
rank companies in three brigades consisting of a couple of 
hundred men apiece, commissioned the first on the night to 
follow the main body at the distance of a hundred feet. Samolas 
the Achaean was in command of this brigade. ‘The duty of 
the second, under the command of Pyrrhias the Arcadian, 
was to follow in the centre. The last was posted on the 
left, with Phrasias, an Athenian, in command. As they ad- 
vanced, the vanguard reached a large and difficult woody glen, 
and halted, not knowing whether the obstacle needed to be 
crossed or not. They passed down the word for the generals 
and officers to come forward to the front. Xenophon, won-. 
dering what it was that stopped the march, and presently hear- 
ing the above order passed along the ranks, rode up with all 
speed. As soon as they were met, Sophaenetus, as the eldest 
general, stated his opinion that the question, whether a gully 
of that kind ought to be crossed or not, was not worth dis- 
cussing. Xenophon, with some ardour, retorted : ‘“‘ You know, 
sirs, I have not been in the habit hitherto of introducing you 
to danger which you might avoid. It is not your reputation 


1. Or, ‘‘reserve companies,” Sous pudakas. See Mr, Pretor, ad Joc. 


ao RETALIATION 187 
for courage surely that is at stake, but your safe return home. 
But now the matter stands thus: It is impossible to retire 
from this point without a battle ; if we do not advance against 
the enemy ourselves, he will follow us as soon as we have 
turned our backs and attack us. Consider, then ; is it better 
to go and meet the foe with arms advanced, or with arms 
reversed to watch him as he assails us on our rear? You 
know this at any rate, that to retire before an enemy has 
nothing glorious about it, whereas attack engenders courage 
even in a coward. For my part, I would rather at any time 
attack with half my men than retreat with twice the number. 
As to these fellows, if we attack them, I am sure you do not 
really expect them to await us; though, if we retreat, we know 
for certain they will be emboldened to pursue us, Nay, if the 
result of crossing is to place a difficult gully behind us when 
we are on the point of engaging, surely that is an advantage 
worth seizing. At least, if it were left to me, I would choose 
that everything should appear smooth and passable to the 
enemy, which may invite retreat; but for ourselves we may 
bless the ground which teaches us that except in victory we 
have no deliverance. It astonishes me that any one should 
deem this particular gully a whit more terrible than any of the 
other barriers which we have successfully passed. How im- 
passable was the plain, had we failed to conquer their cavalry ! 
how insurmountable the mountains already traversed by us, 
with all their peltasts in hot pursuit at our heels! Nay, when 
we have safely reached the sea, the Pontus will present a some- 
what formidable gully, when we have neither vessels to convey 
us away nor corn to keep us alive whilst we stop, But we shall 
no sooner be there than we must be off again to get provisions. 
Surely it is better to fight to-day after a good breakfast than 
to-morrow on an empty stomach. _ Sirs, the offerings are favour- 
able to us, the omens are propitious, the victims more than 
promising ; let us attack the enemy! Now that they have 
had a good look at us, these fellows must not be allowed to 
enjoy their dinners or choose a camp! at their own sweet will.” 

After that the officers bade him lead on. None gainsaid, 
and ‘he led the way. His orders were to cross the gully, where 


! Or, ‘‘ choose where they will to camp,” 


188 ANABASIS—BK. VI. eres 
each man chanced to find himself. By this method, as it 
seemed to him, the troops would more quickly mass them- 
selves on the far side than was possible, if they defiled along ? 
the bridge which spanned the gully. But once across he 
passed along the line and addressed the troops: ‘‘Sirs, call to 
mind what by help of the gods ,you have already done. 
Bethink you of the battles you have won at close quarters with 
the foe; of the fate which awaits those who flee before their 
foes. Forget not that we stand at the very doors of Hellas. 
Follow in the steps of Heracles, our guide, and cheer each 
the other onwards by name.” Sweet were it surely by some 
brave and noble word or deed, spoken or done this day, to 
leave the memory of oneself in the hearts of those one loves.” 

These words were spoken as he rode past, and simultane- 
ously he began leading on the troops in battle line’; and, plac- 
ing the peltasts on either flank of the main body, they moved 
against the enemy. Along the line the order had sped “to 
keep their spears at rest on the right shoulder until the bugle 
signal; then lower them for the charge, slow march, and 
even pace, no one to quicken into a run.” Lastly, the watch- 
word was passed, “Zeus the Saviour, Heracles our Guide.” 
The enemy waited their approach, confident in the excellence 
of his position ; but as they drew closer the Hellene light troops, 
with a loud alala!* without waiting for the order, dashed 
against the foe. The latter, on their side, came forward 
eagerly to meet the charge, both the cavalry and the mass of 
the Bithynians ; and these turned the peltasts. But when with 
counter-wave the phalanx of the heavy infantry rapidly advan- 
cing, faced them, and at the same time the bugle sounded, 
and the battle hymn rose from all lips, and after this a loud 
cheer rose, and at the same instant they couched their spears ; 
—at this conjuncture the enemy no longer welcomed them, 
but fled. Timasion with his cavalry followed close, and, 
considering their scant numbers, they did great execution. 
It was the left wing of the enemy, in a line with which the 
Hellene cavalry were posted, that was so speedily scattered. 


1 Lit. ‘‘had they wound off thread by thread”’; the metaphor is from 
unwinding a ball of wool. * Or, ‘‘ forwards by his nighest name.’’ 
3 Or, as we say, ‘' with a loud hurrah,” 


“H. v. § 28-CH. VI. + 
eee VICTORY 18 


But the right, which was not so hotly pursued, collected 
upon a knoll; and when the Hellenes saw them standing 
firm, it seemed the easiest and least dangerous course to 
go against them at once. Raising the battle hymn, they 
siraightway fell upon them, but the others did not await their 
coming. ‘Thereupon the peltasts gave chase until the right 
of the enemy was in its turn scattered, though with slight 
loss in killed; for the enemy’s cavalry was numerous and 
threatening. 

But when the Hellenes saw the cavalry of Pharnabazus 
still standing in compact order, and the Bithynian horsemen 
massing together as if to join it, and like spectators gazing 
down from a knoll at the occurrences below ; though weary, 
they determined to attack the enemy as best they could, and 
not suffer him to recover breath with reviving courage. So 
they formed in compact line and advanced. ‘Thereupon the 
hostile cavalry turned and fled down the steep as swiftly as if 
they had been pursued by cavalry.! In fact they sought the 
shelter of a gully, the existence of which was unknown to the 
Hellenes. The latter accordingly turned aside too soon and 
gave up the chase, for it was late. Returning to the point 
where the first encounter took place they erected a trophy, 
and went back to the sea about sunset. It was something like 
seven miles” to camp. 

vi.—After this the enemy confined themselves to their 
own concerns, and removed their households and property as 
far away as possible. The Hellenes, on their side, were still 
awaiting the arrival of Cleander with the ships of war and 
transports, which ought to be there soon. So each day they 
went out with the baggage animals and slaves and fearlessly 
brought in wheat and barley, wine and vegetables, millet and 
figs ; since the district produced all good things, the olive alone 
excepted. When the army stayed in camp to rest, pillaging 
parties were allowed to go out, and those who went out appro- 
priated the spoils; but when the whole army went out, if 


1 Reading with Hug, domep bad imréwy dwwxduevor, or, if womep of U7d 
(rGv) imméwy Suwxdpevor; translate, ‘as if they would fain rival the agility 
of those who had been pursued by the cavalry,’’ referring to Timasion’s charge, 
described above. 2 Lit. ‘‘sixty stades.”’ 


CH. VI. § 2-9 


190 ANABASIS—BK. VI. (oe 


any one went off apart and seized anything, it was voted to 
be public property. Ere long there was an ample abundance 
of supplies of all sorts, for marketables arrived from Hellenic 
cities on all sides, and marts were established. Mariners 
coasting by, and hearing that a city was being founded and 
that there was a harbour, were glad to put in. Even the 
hostile tribes dwelling in:the neighbourhood presently began 
to send envoys to Xenophon. It was he who was forming 
the place into a city, as they understood, and they would be 
glad to learn on what terms they might secure his friend- 
ship. He made a point of introducing these visitors to the 
soldiers. 

Meanwhile Cleander arrived with two ships of war, but not 
a single transport. At the moment of his arrival, as it hap- 
pened, the army had taken the field, and a separate party 
had gone off on a pillaging excursion into the hills and had 
captured a number of small cattle. In their apprehension of 
being deprived of them, these same people spoke to Dexippus 
(this was the man who had made off from Trapezus with the 
fifty-oared galley), and urged him to save their sheep for 
them. “Take some for yourself,” said they, “and give the 
rest back to us.” So, without more ado, he drove off the soldiers 
standing near, who kept repeating that the spoil was public 
property. Then off he went to Cleander. “Here is an 
attempt,” said he, “at robbery.” Cleander bade him to bring 
up the culprit to him. Dexippus seized on some one, and 
was for haling him to the Spartan governor. Just then 
Agasias came across him and rescued the man, who was a 
member of his company; and the rest of the soldiers present 
set to work to stone Dexippus, calling him “traitor.” ‘Things 
looked so ill that a number of the crew of the ships of war 
took fright and fled to the sea, and with the rest Cleander 
himself. Xenophon and the other generals tried to hold the 
men back, assuring Cleander that the affair signified nothing 
at all, and that the origin of it was a decree passed by the 
army. ‘That was to blame, if anything. But Cleander, goaded 
on by Dexippus, and personally annoyed at the fright which 
he had experienced, threatened to sail away and publish an 
interdict against them, forbidding any city to receive them, 


ey CLEANDER ARRIVES 191 
as being public enemies. For at this date the Lacedae- 
monians held sway over the whole Hellenic world. 

Thgreat the affair began to wear an ugly look, and the 
Hellenes begged and implored Cleander to reconsider his 
intention. He replied that he would be as good as his word, 
and that nothing should stop him, unless the man who set the 
example of stoning, with the other who rescued the prisoner, 
were given up to him. Now, one of the two whose persons 
were thus demanded—Agasias—had been a friend to Xeno- 
phon throughout ; and that was just why Dexippus was all the 
more anxious to accuse him. In their perplexity the generals 
summoned a full meeting of the soldiers, and some speakers 
were disposed to make very light of Cleander and set him 
at naught. But Xenophon took a more serious view of the 
matter ; he rose and addressed the meeting thus: “Soldiers, I 
cannot say that I feel disposed to make light of this business, 
if Cleander be allowed to go away, as he threatens to do, in 
his present temper towards us. There are Hellenic cities 
close by; but then the Lacedaemonians are the lords of 
Hellas, and they can, any one of them, carry out whatever 
they like in the cities. If then the first thing this Lacedae- 
monian does is to close the gates of Byzantium, and next to 
pass an order to the other governors, city by city, not to receive 
us because we are a set of lawless ruffians disloyal to the 
Lacedaemonians ; and if, further, this report of us should reach 
the ears of their admiral, Anaxibius, to stay or to sail away will 
alike be difficult. Remember, the Lacedaemonians at the 
present time are lords alike on land and on sea. For the 
sake then of a single man, or for two men’s sake, it is not 
right that the rest of us should be debarred from Hellas ; 
but whatever they enjoin we must obey. Do not the cities 
which gave us birth yield them obedience also? For my 
own part, inasmuch as Dexippus, I believe, keeps telling 
Cleander that Agasias would never have done this had not 
I, Xenophon, bidden him, I absolve you of all complicity, and 
Agasias too, if Agasias himself states that I am in any way 
a prime mover in this matter. If I have set the fashion of 
stone-throwing or any other sort of violence I condemn my- 
self—I say that I deserve the extreme penalty, and I will 


192 ANABASIS—BK. VI. Agence 
submit to undergo it. I further say that if any one else is 
accused, that man is bound to surrender himself to Cleander 
for judgment, for by this means you will be absolved entirely 
from the accusation. But as the matter now stands, it is 
cruel that just when we were aspiring to win praise and honour 
throughout Hellas, we are destined to sink below the level 
of the rest of the world, banned from the Hellenic cities whose 
common name we boast.” 

After him Agasias got up, and said: “I swear to you, sirs, 
by the gods and goddesses, verily and indeed, neither Xenophon 
nor any one else among you bade me rescue the man. I saw 
an honest man—one of my own company—being taken up 
by Dexippus, the man who betrayed you, as you know full 
well. That I could not endure; I rescued him, I admit the 
fact. Do not you deliver me up. I will surrender myself, as 
Xenophon suggests, to Cleander to pass what verdict on me 
he thinks right. Do not, for the sake of such a matter, make 
foes of the Lacedaemonians ; rather God grant that each of 
you may safely reach the goal of his desire. Only do you 
choose from among yourselves and send with me to Cleander 
those who, in case of any omission on my part, may by their 
words and acts supply what is lacking.” Thereupon the army 
granted him to choose for himself whom he would have go 
with him and to go; and he at once chose the generals. After 
this they all set off to Cleander—Agasias and the generals and 
the man who had been rescued by Agasias—and the generals 
spoke as follows: ‘The army has sent us to you, Cleander, 
and this is their bidding: ‘If you have fault to find with all, 
they say, you ought to pass sentence on all, and do with them 
what seems best ; or if the charge is against one man or two, 
or possibly several, what they expect of these people is to sur- 
render themselves to you for judgment.’ Accordingly, if you 
lay anything to the charge of us generals, here we stand at 
your bar. Or do you impute the fault to some one not here ? 
tell us whom. Short of flying in the face of our authority, 
there is no one who will absent himself.” 

At that point Agasias stepped forward and said: “It 


1 Reading with the best MSS., owfoucbe. Agasias ends his sentence with 
a prayer. Al. owfeobe, ‘‘act so that each,” etc. 


CH. VI. § 21-28 


tala DEXIPPUS AND AGASIAS 193 


was I, Cleander, who rescued the man before you yonder 
from Dexippus, when the latter was carrying him off, and it 
was I who gave the order to strike Dexippus. My plea is 
that I know the prisoner to be an honest man. As to 
Dexippus, I know that he was chosen by the army to com- 
mand a fifty-oared galley, which we had obtained by request 
from the men of Trapezus for the express purpose of collecting 
vessels to carry us safely home. But this same Dexippus 
betrayed his fellow-soldiers, with whom he had been delivered 
from so many perils, and made off into hiding like a runaway 
slave, whereby we have robbed the Trapezuntines of their 
frigate, and must needs appear as knaves in their eyes for this 
man’s sake. As to ourselves, as far as he could, he has 
ruined us ; for, like the rest of us, he had heard how all but 
impossible it was for us to retreat by foot across the rivers 
and to reach Hellas in safety. That is the stamp of man 
whom I robbed of his prey. Now, had it been you your- 
self who carried him off, or one of your emissaries, or indeed 
any one short of a runaway from ourselves, be sure that I 
should have acted far otherwise. Be assured that if you put 
me to death at this time you are sacrificing a good, honest 
man for the sake of a coward and a scamp.” 

When he had listened to these remarks, Cleander replied 
that if such had been the conduct of Dexippus he could not 
congratulate him. “ But still,” he added, turning to the generals, 
“were Dexippus ever so great a scamp he ought not to suffer 
violence ; but in the language of your own demand he was 
entitled to a fair trial, and so to obtain his deserts. What 
I have to say at present therefore is: leave your friend 
here and go your way, and when I give the order be present 
at the trial. I have no further charge against the army or 
any one, since the prisoner himself admits that he rescued 
the man.” Then the man who had been rescued said: “In 
behalf of myself, Cleander, if possibly you think that I was 
being taken up for some misdeed, it is not so ; I neither struck 
nor shot ; I merely said, ‘The sheep are public property ;’ for 
it was a resolution of the soldiers that whenever the army 
went out as a body any booty privately obtained was to be 


public property. That was all I said, and thereupon yonder 
fo) 


194 ANABASIS—BK. VI. hae 
fellow seized me and began dragging me off. He wanted to 
stop our mouths, so that he might have a share of the things 
himself, and keep the rest for these buccaneers, contrary to 
the ordinance.” In answer to that Cleander said: “ Very 
well, if that is your disposition you can stay behind too, and 
we will take your case into consideration also.” 

Thereupon Cleander and his party proceeded to breakfast ; 
but Xenophon collected the army in assembly, and advised 
their sending a deputation to Cleander to intercede in behalf 
of the men. Accordingly it was resolved to send some 
generals and officers with Dracontius the Spartan, and of the 
rest those who seemed best fitted to go. The deputation was 
to request Cleander by all means to release the two men. 
Accordingly Xenophon came and addressed him thus: 
‘*Cleander, you have the men; the army has bowed to you 
and assented to do what you wished with respect to these two 
members of their body and themselves in general. But now 
they beg and pray you to give up these two men, and not to 
put them to death. Many a good service have these two 
wrought for our army in past days. Let them but obtain 
this from you, and in return the army promises that, if you 
will put yourself at their head and the gracious gods approve, 
they will show you how orderly they are, how apt to obey 
their general, and, with heaven’s help, to face their foes un- 
flinchingly. They make this further request to you, that 
you will present yourself and take command of them and 
make trial of them. ‘Test us ourselves,’ they say, ‘and test 
Dexippus, what each of us is like, and afterwards assign to 
each his due.’” When Cleander heard these things, he an- 
swered: ‘‘ Nay, by the twin gods, I will answer you quickly 
enough. Here I make you a present of the two men, and I 
will as you say present myself, and then, if the gods vouchsafe, 
I will put myself at your head and lead you into Hellas. 
Very different is your language from the tale I used to hear 
concerning you from certain people, that you wanted to with- 
draw the army from allegiance to the Lacedaemonians.” 

After this the deputation thanked him and retired, taking 
with them the two men; then Cleander sacrificed as a pre- 
liminary to marching, and consorted friendlily with Xenophon, 


Feng sd THEY REACH CHRYSOPOLIS 195 


and the two struck up an alliance. When the Spartan 
saw with what good discipline the men carried out their 
orders, he was still more anxious to become their leader. 
However, in spite of sacrifices repeated on three successive 
days, the victims steadily remained unfavourable. So he sum- 
moned the generals and said to them: “The victims smile 
not on me,! they suffer me not to lead you home; but be not 
out of heart at that. To you it is given, as it would appear, 
to bring your men safe home. Forwards then, and for our 
part, whenever you come yonder, we will bestow on you as 
warm a welcome as we may.” 

Then the soldiers resolved to make him a present of the 
public cattle, which he accepted, but again gave back to 
them. So he sailed away; but the soldiers made division of 
the corn which they had collected and of the other captured 
property, and commenced their homeward march through the 
territory of the Bithynians. 

At first they confined themselves to the main road; but 
not chancing upon anything whereby they might reach a 
friendly territory with something in their pockets for them- 
selves, they resolved to turn sharp round, and marched for 
one day and night in the opposite direction. By this proceed- 
ing they captured many slaves and much small cattle ; and on 
the sixth day reached Chrysopolis in Chalcedonia.” Here they 
halted seven days while they disposed of their booty by sale. 


1 Or, ‘‘the victims are not on my side.” 

2 For the spelling of this name see Dict. Geogr. ‘‘Chalcedon.”’" (The 
name should, as there explained, be written ‘‘ Calchedonia.’’ The false form 
drove out the more correct, probably through a mispronunciation, based on 
a wrong derivation, at some date long ago.) The sites of Chrysopolis and 
Calchedon correspond respectively to the modern Scutari and Kadikoi. 


BOOK VII. 1. 1-6 


[In the earlier portion of the narrative will be found a detailed history 
of the fortunes of the Hellenes during their march up country with Cyrus 
down to the date of the battle ; and, subsequently to his death, until they 
reached the Euxine ; as also of all their doings in their efforts to escape 
from the Euxine, partly by land marches and partly under sail by sea, 
until they found themselves outside the mouth of the Black Sea (south 
of the Bosphorus) at Chrysopolis in Asia. ] 


1.—At this point Pharnabazus, who was afraid that the 
army might undertake a campaign against his satrapy, sent to 
Anaxibius, the Spartan high admiral, who chanced to be in 
Byzantium, and begged him to convey the army out of Asia, 
undertaking to comply with his wishes in every respect. An- 
axibius accordingly sent to summon the generals and officers 
to Byzantium, and promised that the soldiers should not lack 
pay for service, if they crossed the strait. The officers said 
that they would deliberate and return an answer. Xeno- 
phon individually informed him that he was about to quit 
the army at once, and was only anxious to set sail. Anaxibius 
pressed him not to be in so great a hurry: ‘Cross over with 
the rest,” he said, ‘‘and then it will be time enough to think 
about quitting the army.”! This the other undertook to do. 

Now Seuthes the Thracian sent Medosades and begged 
Xenophon to use his influence to get the army across. ‘“‘ Tell 
Xenophon, if he will do his best for me in this matter, he 
will not regret it.’ Xenophon answered: “The army is in 
any case going to cross ; so that, as far as that is concerned, 


1 Or, more lit., ‘‘Anaxibius pressed him to wait and cross oyer with the 
rest ; when,’’ said he, ‘‘it will be time enough,” etc, 


eae eee CROSS TO BYZANTIUM. 197 


Seuthes is under no obligation to me or to any one else ;_ but as 
soon as it is once across, I personally shall be quit of it. Let 
Seuthes therefore, as far as he may deem consistent with 
prudence, apply to those who are going to remain and will 
have a voice in affairs.” 

After this the whole body of troops crossed to Byzantium. 
But Anaxibius, instead of proceeding to give pay, made pro- 
clamation that, ‘The soldiers were to take up their arms 
and baggage and go forth,” as if all he wished were to ascer- 
tain their numbers and bid them god-speed at the same 
moment. The soldiers were not well pleased at that, because 
they had no money to furnish themselves with provisions 
for the march; and they sluggishly set about getting their 
baggage together. Xenophon meanwhile, being on terms of 
intimacy with the governor, Cleander, came to pay his host a 
final visit, and bid him adieu, being on the point of setting 
sail. But the other protested ; ‘“ Do not do so, or else,” said 
he, ‘‘you will be blamed, for even now certain people are dis- 
posed to hold you to account because the army is so slow in 
getting under weigh.” The other answered, “ Nay, I am not 
to blame for that. It is the men themselves, who are in want 
of provisions; that is why they are out of heart at their 
exodus.” ‘ All the same,” he replied, “ I advise you to go out, 
as if you intended to march with them, and when you are 
well outside, it will be time enough to take yourself off.” 
“ Well then,” said Xenophon, ‘‘we will go and arrange all 
this with Anaxibius.” They went and stated the case to the 
admiral, who insisted that they must do as he had said, and 
march out, bag and baggage, by the quickest road; and as an 
appendix to the former edict, he added, “ Any one absenting 
himself from the review and the muster will have himself to 
blame for the consequences.” This was peremptory. So out 
marched, the generals first, and then the rest; and now, with 
the exception of here a man and there, they were all outside ; 
it was ‘a clean sweep ;’ and Eteonicus stood posted near the 
gates, ready to close them, as soon as the men were fairly out, 
and to thrust in the bolt pin. 

Then Anaxibius summoned the generals and captains, and 
addressed them: “Provisions you had better get from the 


198 ANABASIS—BK. VII. \Ocdicn eee 


Thracian villages; you will find plenty of barley, wheat, and 
other necessaries in them ; and when you have got them, off 
with you to the Chersonese, where Cyniscus will take you 
into his service.” Some of the soldiers overheard what was 
said, or possibly one of the officers was the medium of com- 
munication ; however it was, the news was handed on to 
the army. As to the generals, their immediate concern was 
to try and gain some information as to Seuthes: ‘Was he 
hostile or friendly ? also, would they have to march through the 
Sacred mountain,! or round about through the middle of 
esphigace pt 

While they were discussing these points, the soldiers 
snatched up their arms and made a rush full speed at the gates, 
with the intention of getting inside the fortification again. But 
Eteonicus and his men, seeing the heavy infantry coming up 
at a run promptly closed the gates and thrust in the bolt 
pin.2 Then the soldiers fell to battering the gates, exclaiming 
that it was iniquitous to thrust them forth in this fashion into 
the jaws of their enemies. ‘If you do not of your own accord 
open the gates,” they cried, “ we will split them in half”; and 
another set rushed down to the sea, and so along the break- 
water and over the wall into the city ; while a third set, consist- 
ing of those few who were still inside, having never left the city, 
seeing the affair at the gates, severed the bars with axes and 
flung the portals wide open; and the rest came pouring in. 

Xenophon, seeing what was happening, was seized with 
alarm lest the army should betake itself to pillage, and ills 
incurable be wrought to the city, to himself and to the soldiers. 
Then he set off, and, plunging into the throng, was swept 
through the gates with the crowd. The Byzantines no 
sooner saw the soldiers forcibly rushing in than they left the 
open square, and fled, some to the shipping, others to their 
homes, while those already indoors came racing out, and 
some fell to dragging down their ships of war, hoping possibly 
to be safe on board these; while there was not a soul who 


1 So the mountain-range is named which runs parallel to the Propontis 
(Sea of Marmora) from lat. 41° N. circa to lat. 40° 30’; from Bisanthe 
(Rhodosto) to the neck of the Chersonese (Gallipoli). 

2 Or, ‘‘closed and barred the gates."" See Thue. ii. 4. 


a FRAUD AND RETALIATION 199 


doubted but that the city was taken, and that they were all un- 
done. Eteonicus made a swift retreat to the citadel. Anaxibius 
ran down to the sea, and, getting on board a fisherman’s 
smack, sailed round to the acropolis, and at once sent off to 
fetch over the garrison troops from Chalcedon, since those 
already in the acropolis seemed hardly sufficient to keep the 
men in check. 

The soldiers, catching sight of Xenophon, threw themselves 
upon him, crying: ‘‘ Now, Xenophon, is the time to prove 
yourselfa man. You have got a city, you have got triremes, you 
have got money, you have got men; to-day, if you only choose, 
you can do us a good turn, and we will make you a great man.” 
He replied: ‘“ Nay, I like what you say, and I will do it all ; 
but if that is what you have set your hearts on, fall into rank 
and take up position at once.” This he said, wishing to quiet 
them, and so passed the order along the lines himself, while 
bidding the rest to do the same: “Take up position; stand 
easy.” But the men themselves, by a species of self-marshalling, 
fell into rank, and were soon formed, the heavy infantry eight 
deep, while the light infantry had run up to cover either 
wing. The Thracian Square, as it is called, is a fine site for 
manceuvring, being bare of buildings and level. As soon 
as the arms were stacked and the men’s tempers cooled, 
Xenophon called a general meeting of the soldiers, and made 
the following speech :— 

“Soldiers, I am not surprised at your wrath, or that you 
deem it monstrous treatment so to be cheated; but con- 
sider what will be the consequences if we gratify our indig- 
nation, and in return for such deception, avenge ourselves on 
the Lacedaemonians here present, and plunder an innocent 
city. We shall be declared enemies of the Lacedaemonians 
and their allies; and what sort of war that will be, we need 
not go far to conjecture, I take it, you have not forgotten some 
quite recent occurrences. We Athenians entered into war 
against the Lacedaemonians and their allies with a fleet con- 
sisting of not less than three hundred line-of-battle ships, 
including those in dock as well as those afloat. We had vast 
treasures stored up in the city, and a yearly income which, 
derived from home or foreign sources, amounted to no less 


200 ANABASIS—BK. VII. | Ochi 


than a thousand talents.!_ Our empire included all the islands, 
and we were possessed of numerous cities both in Asia and 
in Europe. Amongst others, this very Byzantium, where we 
now are, was ours; and yet in the end we were vanquished, 
as you all very well know. 

“What, must we anticipate, will now be our fate? The 
Lacedaemonians have not only their old allies, but the 
Athenians and those who were at that time allies of Athens are 
added to them. ‘Tissaphernes and all the rest of the Asiatics 
on the seaboard are our foes, not to speak of our arch-enemy, 
the king himself, up yonder, whom we came to deprive of his 
empire, and to kill, if possible. I ask then, with all these 
banded together against us, is there any one so insensate as to 
imagine that we can survive the contest? For heaven’s sake, 
let us not go mad or loosely throw away our lives in war 
with our own native cities—nay, our own friends, our kith and 
our kin ; for in one or other of the cities they are all included. 
Every city will march against us, and not unjustly, if, after 
refusing to hold one single barbarian city by right of conquest, 
we seize the first Hellenic city that we come to and make it a 
ruinous heap. For my part, my prayer is that before I see 
such things wrought by you, I, at any rate, may lie ten 
thousand fathoms under ground! My counsel to you, as 
Hellenes, is to try and obtain your just rights, through obedi- 
ence to those who stand at the head of Hellas; and if so 
be that you fail in those demands, why, being more sinned 
against than sinning, need we rob ourselves of Hellas too? 
At present, I propose that we should send to Anaxibius and 
tell him that we have made an entrance into the city, not medi- 
tating violence, but merely to discover if he and his will show 
us any good ; for if so, it is well; but if otherwise, at least we 
will let him see that he does not shut the door upon us as 
dupes and fools. We know the meaning of discipline ;? we 
turn our backs and go.” 

This resolution was passed, and they sent Hieronymus an 
Eleian, with two others, Eurylochus an Arcadian and Philesius 
an Achaean, to deliver the message. So these set off on their 
errand. But while the soldiers were still seated in conclave, 


1 £240,000. 2 Or, ‘we choose to obey and go.” 


regcs! COERATADAS M. 


Coeratadas,! of Thebes, arrived. He was a Theban not 
in exile, but with a taste for generalship, who made it 
his business to go the round of Hellas to see if any city or 
nation were in need of his services. Thus, on the present 
occasion, he presented himself, and begged to state that he 
was ready to put himself at their head, and lead them into the 
Delta of Thrace,” as it is called, where they would find them- 
selves in a land of plenty; but until they got there, he would 
provide them with meat and drink enough and to spare. 
While they were still listening to this tale, the return message 
from Anaxibius came. His answer was: ‘“ The discipline, they 
had spoken of, was not a thing they would regret ; indeed he 
would report their behaviour to the authorities at home ; and 
for himself, he would take advice and do the best he could for 
them.” 

Thereupon the soldiers accepted Coeratadas as their general, 
and retired without the walls. Their new general undertook 
to present himself to the troops next day with sacrificial beasts 
and a soothsayer, with eatables also and drinkables for the army. 
Now, as soon as they were gone out, Anaxibius closed the gates 
and issued a proclamation to the effect that “any of the soldiers 
caught inside should be knocked down to the hammer and 
sold at once.” Next day, Coeratadas arrived with the victims 
and the soothsayer. A string of twenty bearers bearing 
barleymeal followed at his heels, succeeded by other twenty 
carrying wine, and three laden with a supply of olives, and two 
others carrying, the one about as much garlic as a single man 
could lift, and the other a similar load of onions. These various 
supplies he set down, apparently for distribution, and proceeded 
to sacrifice. 

Now Xenophon sent to Cleander, begging him to arrange 
matters so that he might be allowed to enter the walls, with a 
view to starting from Byzantium on his homeward voyage. 


1 See Hell. I. iii. 16 foll., for an earlier passage in the life of this same 
person, since it seems there is little doubt they are the same. 

2 The exact locality, so called, is not known ; doubtless it lay somewhere 
between Byzantium and Salmydessus, possibly at Delcus (mod. Derkos) ; or 
possibly the narrow portion of Thrace between the Euxine, Bosphorus, and 
Propontis went by this name. See note in Pretor ad Joc., and Dict. Geog. 
‘“Toarackas. 


202 ANABASIS—=BK. VIL. {°™ 6837.6 7-83 
Cleander came, and this is what he said: “I have come; but 
I was barely able to arrange what you want. Anaxibius in- 
sisted: ‘It was not convenient that Xenophon should be inside 
while the soldiers are close to the walls without ; the Byzantines 
at sixes and sevens moreover; and no love lost between the 
one party of them and the other.’ Still, he ended by bidding 
you to come inside, if you were really minded to leave the town 
by sea with himself.” Accordingly Xenophon bade the soldiers 
good-bye, and returned with Cleander within the walls. 

To return to Coeratadas. The first day he failed to 
get favourable signs at the sacrifice, and never a dole of 
rations did he make to the soldiers. On the second day 
the victims were standing ready near the altar, and so was 
Coeratadas, with chaplet crowned, all ready to sacrifice, when 
up comes Timasion the Dardanian, with Neon the Asinaean, 
and Cleanor of Orchomenus, forbidding Coeratadas to sacri- 
fice: ‘He must understand there was an end to his general- 
ship, unless he gave them provisions.’ The other bade them 
measure out the supplies, “‘ Pray, dole them out.” But when 
he found that he had a good deal short of a single day’s pro- 
visions for each man, he picked up his paraphernalia of sacrifice 
and withdrew. As to being general, he would have nothing 
more to say to it. 

u1.—Now these five were left—Neon the Asinaean, Phry- 
niscus the Achaean, Philesius the Achaean, Xanthicles the 
Achaean, Timasion the Dardanian—at the head of the army, 
and they pushed on to some villages of the Thracians facing 
Byzantium, and there encamped. Now the generals could not 
agree. Cleanor and Phryniscus wished to march to join 
Seuthes, who had worked upon their feelings by presenting 
one with a horse and the other with a woman to wife. But 
Neon’s object was to come to the Chersonese : ‘‘ When we are 
under the wing of the Lacedaemonians,” he thought, “TI shall 
step to the front and command the whole army.” 

Timasion’s one ambition was to cross back again into Asia, 
hoping to be reinstated at home and end his exile. The 
soldiers shared the wishes of the last general. But, as time 
dragged on, many of the men sold their arms at different 
places and set sail as best they could; others [actually gave 


no De | DISSENTIENT VIEWS 203 


away their arms, some here, some there, and] became absorbed 
in the cities. One man rejoiced. This was Anaxibius, to 
whom the break-up of the army was a blessing. “That is the 
way,” he said to himself, “I can best gratify Pharnabazus.” 

But Anaxibius, while prosecuting his voyage from Byzantium, 
was met at Cyzicus by Aristarchus, the new governor, who was 
to succeed Cleander at Byzantium ; and report said that a new 
admiral, Polus, if he had not actually arrived, would presently 
reach the Hellespont and relieve Anaxibius. The latter sent 
a parting injunction to Aristarchus to be sure and sell all 
the Cyreian soldiers he could lay hands on still lingering in 
Byzantium ; for Cleander had not sold a single man of them ; 
on the contrary, he had made it his business to tend the sick 
and wounded, pitying them, and insisting on their being 
received in the houses. Aristarchus changed all that, and was 
no sooner arrived in Byzantium than he sold no less than four 
hundred of them. Meanwhile Anaxibius, on his coasting 
voyage, reached Parium, and, according to the terms of their 
agreement, he sent to Pharnabazus. But the latter, learning 
that Aristarchus was the new governor at Byzantium, and 
that Anaxibius had ceased to be admiral, turned upon him a 
cold shoulder, and set about concocting the same measures 
concerning the Cyreian army with Aristarchus, as he had lately 
been at work upon with Anaxibius. 

Anaxibius thereupon summoned Xenophon and bade him, 
by every manner of means, sail to the army with the utmost 
speed, and keep it together. ‘He was to collect the scat- 
tered fragments and march them down to Perinthus, and 
thence convey them across to Asia without loss of time.” 
And herewith he put a thirty-oared galley at his service, and 
gave him a letter of authority and an officer to accompany him, 
with an order to the Perinthians “to escort Xenophon without 
delay on horseback to the army.” So it was that Xenophon 
sailed across and eventually reached the army. The soldiers 
gave him a joyous welcome, and would have been only too 
glad to cross from Thrace into Asia under his leadership. 


1 The MSS. give the words so rendered—oi 6¢ kau [d.ddvres Ta ra Kara 
rods x&pous], which some critics emend 6.adcdévTes, others bracket as sus- 
pected, others expunge. 


204 ANABASIS—BK. VII. | eee 

But Seuthes, hearing that Xenophon had arrived, sent 
Medosades again, by sea to meet him, and begged him to bring 
the army to him; and whatever he thought would make his 
speech persuasive, he was ready to promise him. But the 
other replied, that none of these things were open to him to 
do; and with this answer Medosades departed, and the Hellenes 
proceeded to Perinthus.! Here on arrival Neun withdrew his 
troops and encamped apart, having about eight hundred men ; 
while the remainder of the army lay in one place under the 
walls of Perinthus, 

After this, Xenophon set himself to find vessels, so as to 
lose no time in crossing. But in the interval Aristarchus, 
the governor from Byzantium, arrived with a couple of war 
ships, being moved to do so by Pharnabazus. To make 
doubly sure, he first forbade the skippers and shipmasters to 
carry the troops across, and then he visited the camp and 
informed the soldiers that their passage into Asia was for- 
bidden. Xenophon replied that he was acting under the 
orders of Anaxibius, who had sent him thither for this express 
purpose; to which Aristarchus retorted, ‘‘ For the matter of 
that, Anaxibius is no longer admiral, and I am governor in 
this quarter; if I catch any of you at sea, I will sink you.” 
With these remarks he retired within the walls of Perinthus. 

Next day, he sent for the generals and officers of the 
army. They had already reached the fortification walls, when 
some one brought word to Xenophon that if he set foot inside, 
he would be seized, and either meet some ill fate there or more 
likely be delivered up to Pharnabazus. On hearing this Xeno- 
phon sent forward the rest of the party, but for himself pleaded 
that there was a sacrifice which he wished to offer. In this 
way he contrived to turn back and consult the victims, 
“Would the gods allow him to try and bring the army over to 
Seuthes?” On the one hand it was plain that the idea of 
crossing over to Asia in the face of this man with his ships 
of war, who meant to bar the passage, was too dangerous. 
Nor did he altogether like the notion of being blocked up 
in the Chersonese with an army in dire need of everything ; 


1 Lit. ‘‘ When the Hellenes had reached Perinthus, Neon,’ etc. The inter- 
view with Medosades took place at Selymbria. See below, p, 207. 


eee DESIGNS OF ARISTARCHUS 205 


December 


where, besides being at the beck and call of the governor of 
the place, they would be debarred from the necessaries of life. 

While Xenophon was thus employed, the generals and 
officers came back with a message from Aristarchus, who had 
told them they might retire for the present, but in the after- 
noon he should expect them. The former suspicions of a plot 
had now ripened to a certainty. Xenophon meantime had 
ascertained that the victims were favourable to his project. 
He personally, and the army as a whole, might with safety pro- 
ceed to Seuthes, they seemed to say. Accordingly, he took with 
him Polycrates, the Athenian captain, and from each of the 
generals, not including Neon, some one man whom they could 
in each case trust, and in the night they set off to visit the 
army of Seuthes, sixty furlongs? distant. 

As they approached, they came upon some deserted 
watch-fires, and their first impression was that Seuthes had 
shifted his position; but presently perceiving a confused 
sound (the voices of Seuthes’ people signalling to one 
another), the explanation dawned on him: Seuthes kept his 
watch-fires kindled in front of, instead of behind, his night 
pickets, in order that the outposts, being in the dark, might 
escape notice, their numbers and position being thus a mystery ; 
whilst any party approaching from the outside, so far from 
escaping notice, would, through the glare of the fire, stand 
out conspicuously. Perceiving how matters stood, Xenophon 
sent forward his interpreter, who was one of the party, 
and bade him inform Seuthes that Xenophon was there 
and craved conference with him. The others asked if he 
were an Athenian from the army yonder, and no sooner had 
the interpreter replied, “‘ Yes, the same,” than up they leapt 
and galloped off; and in less time than it takes to tell a couple 
of hundred peltasts had come up who seized and carried off 
Xenophon and those with him and brought them to Seuthes. 
The latter was in a tower right well guarded, and there were 
horses round it in a circle, standing all ready bitted and 
bridled ; for his alarm was so great that he gave his horses 
their provender during the day,” and during the nights he 


1 Lit, ‘sixty stades,’’ between seven and eight miles, 
2 /.e. “instead of letting them graze.” 


O a6 ANABASIS—BK. VII. Deepen cee 


kept watch and ward with the brutes thus bitted and bridled. 
It was stated in explanation that in old days an ancestor of 
his, named Teres, had been in this very country with a large 
army, several of whom he had lost at the hands of the native 
inhabitants, besides being robbed of his baggage train. The 
inhabitants of the country are Thynians, and they are reputed 
to be far the most warlike set of fighters—especially at night. 

When they drew near, Seuthes bade Xenophon enter, 
and bring with him any two he might choose. As soon as they 
were inside, they first greeted one another warmly, and then, 
according to the Thracian custom, pledged themselves in bowls 
of wine. There was further present at the elbow of Seuthes, 
Medosades, who on all occasions acted as his ambassador- 
in-chief. Xenophon took the initiative and spoke as fol- 
lows: “You have sent to me, Seuthes, once and again. 
On the first occasion you sent Medosades yonder, to Chal- 
cedon, and you begged me to use my influence in favour 
of the army crossing over from Asia. You promised me, 
in return for this conduct on my part, various kindnesses ; 
at least that is what Medosades stated”; and before pro- 
ceeding further he turned to Medosades and asked, “Is 
not that so?” ‘The other assented. ‘Again, on a second 
occasion, the same Medosades came when I had crossed 
over from Parium to rejoin the army; and he promised me 
that if I would bring you the army, you would in various 
respects treat me as a friend and brother. He said especi- 
ally with regard to certain seaboard places of which you 
are the owner and lord, that you were minded to make me a 
present of them.” At this point he again questioned Medo- 
sades, ‘Whether the words attributed to him were exact?” 


and Medosades once more fully assented. “Come now,” pro- 
ceeded Xenophon, “recount what answer I made you, and 
first at Chalcedon.” ‘You answered that the army was, in 


any case, about to cross over to Byzantium ; and as far as that 
went, there was no need to pay you or any one else anything ; 
and for yourself, you added, that once across you were minded 
to leave the army, which thing came to pass evén as you said.” 


1 Or, “who far above all other tribes have the reputation of being most 
formidable foes at night,’ as Mr, Pretor suggests. 


Doccate’ 3+ = INTERVIEW WITH SEUTHES 207 


“Well! what did I say,” he asked, “at your next visit, when 
you came to me in Selybria?”  ‘‘ You said that the proposal 
was impossible ; you were all going to Perinthus to cross into 
Asia.” “Good,” said Xenophon, ‘“‘and in spite of all, at the 
present moment, here I am myself, and Phryniscus, one of my 
colleagues, and Polycrates yonder, a captain ; and outside, to 
represent the other generals (all except Neon the Laconian), 
the trustiest men they could find to send. So that if you wish 
to give these transactions the seal of still greater security, you 
have nothing to do but to summon them also; and do you, 
Polycrates, go and say from me, that I bid them leave their arms 
outside, and you can leave your own sword outside before you 
enter with them on your return.” 

When Seuthes had heard so far, he interposed: “I should 
never mistrust an Athenian, for we are relatives already,} I 
know ; and the best of friends, I believe, we shall be.” After 
that, as soon as the right men entered, Xenophon first ques- 
tioned Seuthes as to what use he intended to make of the 
army, and he replied as follows: ‘‘ Maesades was my father; 
his sway extended over the Melanditae, the Thynians, and 
the Tranipsae. Then the affairs of the Odrysians took a bad 
turn, and my father was driven out of this country, and later 
on died himself of sickness, leaving me to be brought up as an 
orphan at the court of Medocus, the present king. But I, 
when I had grown to man’s estate, could not endure to live 
with my eyes fixed on another’s board. So I seated myself on 
the seat by him as a suppliant, and begged him to give me as 
many men as he could spare, that I might wreak what mischief 
I could on those who had driven us forth from our land; 
that thus I might cease to live in dependence upon another’s 
board, like a dog watching his master’s hand. In answer to 

1 Tradition said that the Thracians and Athenians were connected, through 
the marriage of a former prince Tereus (or Teres) with Procne, the daughter of 
Pandion. ‘This old story, discredited by Thucydides, ii. 29, is referred to in Arist. 
Birds, 368 foll. The Birds are about to charge the two Athenian intruders, when 
Epops, king of the Birds, formerly Tereus, king of Thrace, but long ago trans- 
formed into a hoopoe, intercedes in behalf of two men, ris éuijs yuvarkds dvTe 
ovyyev kal gudéra, ‘who are of my lady’s tribe and kin." As a matter of 
history, the Athenians had in the year B.C. 431 made alliance with Sitalces, king 


of the Odrysians (the son of Teres, the first founder of their empire), and made hig 
son, Sadocus, an Athenian citizen. Cf. Thuc, 2b.; Arist. dcharnians, 141 foll, 


: geet 
208 ANABASIS==EK, vu. {pS S4 oe 


my petition, he gave me the men and the horses which you 
will see at break of day, and nowadays I live with these, 
pillaging my own ancestral land. But if you would join me, I 
think, with the help of heaven, we might easily recover my 
empire. That is what I want of you.” “Well then,” said 
Xenophon, “supposing we came, what should you be able to 
give us? the soldiers, the officers, and the generals? Tell us 
that these witnesses may report your answer.” And he pro- 
mised to give ‘‘to the common soldiers a cyzicene,! to a cap- 
tain twice as much,” and to a general four times as much, 
with as much land as ever they liked, some yoke of oxen, 
and a fortified place upon the seaboard.” ‘But now suppos- 
ing,” said Xenophon, “we fail of success, in spite of our 
endeavours ; suppose any intimidation on the part of the 
Lacedaemonians should arise ; will you receive into your country 
any of us who may seek to find a refuge with you?” He 
answered : “‘ Nay, not only so, but I shall look upon you as my 
brothers, entitled to share my seat, and the joint possessors of 
all the wealth which we may be able to acquire. And to you 
yourself, Xenophon! I will give my daughter, and if you 
have a daughter, I will buy her in Thracian fashion; and I 
will give you Bisanthe as a dwelling-place, which is the fairest 
of all my possessions on the seaboard.” 4 

111.—After listening to these proposals, they gave and 
accepted pledges of good faith; and so the deputation rode 
off. Before day they were back again in camp, and severally 
rendered a report to those who sent them. At dawn Aristarchus 
again summoned the generals and officers, but the latter 
resolved to have done with the visit to Aristarchus, and to 
summon a meeting of the army. In full conclave the soldiers 
met, with the exception of Neon’s men, who remained about 
ten furlongs off. When they were met together Xenophon rose, 
and made the following announcement: ‘Men, Aristarchus 
with his ships of war hinders us from sailing where we fain 

1 A cyzicene monthly is to be understood. See above, p. 154, note 1, 

2 Lit. ‘‘a dimotria, or double share.”’ 

3 Lit. “a ¢e¢tramoiria, or a fourfold portion.” 

4 Bisanthe, one of the Ionic colonies founded by Samos, with the Thracian 


name Rhaedestus (now Rodosto), strongly placed so as to command the 
entrance into the Sacred mountain, See above, p. 198, note 1, 


on ARISTARCHUS FOILED eee 


would go; it is not even safe to set foot on board a 
vessel. But if he hinders us here, he hastens us there. ‘Be 
off to the Chersonese,’ says he, ‘force a passage through 
the Sacred mountain.’ If we master it and succeed in 
getting to the place, he has something in store for us. He 
promises that he will not sell you any more, as he did at 
Byzantium ; you shall not be cheated again; you shall have 
pay; he will no longer, as now, suffer you to remain in 
want of provisions. ‘That is his proposal. But Seuthes says 
that if you will go to him he will treat you well. What 
you have now to consider is, whether you will stay to debate 
this question, or leave its settlement till we have gone up into 
a land of provisions. If you ask me my opinion, it is this: 
Since here we have neither money to buy, nor leave to take 
without money what we need, why should we not go up into 
these villages where the right to help ourselves is conferred by 
might? There, unhampered by the want of bare necessaries, 
you can listen to what this man and the other wants of you and 
choose whichever sounds best. Let those,” he added, ‘‘ who 
agree to this, hold up their hands.” They all held them up. 
“‘ Retire then,” said he, ‘‘and get your kit together, and at the 
word of command, follow your leader.” 

After this, Xenophon put himself at the head and the rest 
followed. Neon, indeed, and other agents from Aristarchus 
tried to turn them from their purpose, but to their persuasions 
they turned a deaf ear. They had not advanced much more 
than three miles,t when Seuthes met them; and Xenophon, 
seeing him, bade him ride up. He wished to tell him what 
they felt to be conducive to their interests, and in the pre- 
sence of as many witnesses as possible. As soon as he had 
approached, Xenophon said: “We are going where the troops 
will have enough to live upon; when we are there, we will 
listen to you and to the emissaries of the Laconian, and 
choose between you both whatever seems best. If then you 
will lead us where provisions are to be got in plenty, we shall 
feel indebted to you for your hospitality.” And Seuthes 
answered: “For the matter of that, I know many villages, 
close-packed and stocked with all kinds of provisions, just far 


1 Lit. “thirty stades,” 
P 


210 ANABASIS—BK. VIL. { Becceteces 
enough off to give you a good appetite for your breakfasts.” 
“Lead on then!” said Xenophon. When they had reached 
the villages in the afternoon, the soldiers met, and Seuthes made 
the following speech: “ My request to you, sirs, is that you 
will take the field with me, and my promise to you is that I 
will give every man of you a cyzicene,' and to the officers and 
generals at the customary rate ; besides this I will honour those 
who show special merit. Food and drink you will get as now 
for yourselves from the country; but whatever is captured, I 
shall claim to have myself, so that by distribution of it I may 
provide you with pay. Let them flee, let them creep into 
hiding-places, we shall be able to pursue after them, we will 
track them out ;? or if they resist, along with you we will en- 
deavour to subdue them to our hands.” Xenophon inquired : 
‘“¢ And how far from the sea shall you expect the army to follow 
you?” “Nowhere more than seven days’ journey,” he answered, 
“and in many places less.” 

After this, permission was given to all who wished to speak, 
and many spoke, but ever to one and the same tune: ‘‘ What 
Seuthes said, was very right. It was winter, and for a man to 
sail home, even if he had the will to do so, was impossible. 
On the other hand, to continue long in a friendly country, 
where they must depend upon what they could purchase, was 
equally beyond their power. If they were to wear away time 
and support life in a hostile country, it was safer to do so 
with Seuthes than by themselves, not to speak of all these 
good things; but if they were going to get pay into the 
bargain, that. indeed was a godsend.” To complete the pro- 
ceedings, Xenophon said: “If any one opposes the measure, 
let him state his views ; if not, let the officer put the proposi- 
tion to the vote.” No one opposed ; they put it to the vote, 
and the resolution was carried; and without loss of time, he 
informed Seuthes that they would take the field with him. 

After this the troops messed in their separate divisions, 
but the generals and officers were invited by Seuthes to 
dinner at a neighbouring village which was in his possession. 
When they were at the doors, and on the point of stepping 


1 See above, p. 154, note 1. 
* Or, “‘nose'’ them out, See above, p. 155, note r. 


Decenbr | «= A ROYAL ENTERTAINMENT 211 


in to dinner, they were met by a certain Heracleides,’ of 
Maronea.1 He came up to each guest, addressing himself 
particularly to those who, as he conjectured, ought to be 
able to make a present to Seuthes. He addressed himself 
first to some Parians who were there to arrange a friendship 
with Medocus, the king of the Odrysians, and were bearers 
of presents to the king and to his wife. Heracleides re- 
minded them: “ Medocus is up country twelve days’ journey 
from the sea; but Seuthes, now that he has got this army, 
will be lord on the sea-coast; as your neighbour, then, he 
is the man to do you good or do you ill. If you are 
wise, you will give him whatever he asks of you. On the 
whole, it will be laid out at better interest than if you gave 
it to Medocus, who lives so far off.” That was his mode 
of persuasion in their case. Next he came to Timasion 
the Dardanian, who, some one had told him, was the happy 
possessor of certain goblets and oriental carpets. What he 
said to him was: ‘“‘It is customary when people are invited to 
dinner by Seuthes for the guests to make him a present ; now 
if he should become a great person in these parts, he will be 
able to restore you to your native land, or to make you a 
rich man here.” Such were the solicitations which he applied 
to each man in turn whom he accosted. Presently he came 
to Xenophon and said: ‘‘ You are at once a citizen of no mean 
city, and with Seuthes also your own name is very great. 
Maybe you expect to obtain a fort or two in this country, just - 
as others of your countrymen have done,? and territory. It is 
only right and proper therefore that you should honour 
Seuthes in the most magnificent style. Be sure, I give this 
advice out of pure friendliness, for I know that the greater 
the gift that you are ready to bestow on him, the better the 
treatment you will receive at his hands.” Xenophon, on 
hearing this, was in a sad dilemma, for he had brought with 
him, when he crossed from Parium, nothing but one boy and 
just enough to pay his travelling expenses. 


1 A Greek colony in Thrace. Among Asiatico-Ionian colonies were 
Abdera, founded by Teos, and Maroneia, celebrated for its wine, founded 
by Chios about 540 B.c.—Kiepert, M/an. Anct. Geog. viii. 182. 

2 Notably Alcibiades, who possessed two or three such fortresses. See 
below, p. 220, note 2. 


212 ANABASIS—BK. VII. { hetentan eee 

As soon as the company, consisting of the most power- 
ful Thracians there present, with the generals and captains 
of the Hellenes, and any embassy from a state which might 
be there, had arrived, they were seated in a circle, and the 
dinner was served. Thereupon three-legged stools were 
brought in and placed in front of the assembled guests. 
They were laden with pieces of meat, piled up, and there 
were huge leavened-loaves fastened on to the pieces of meat 
with long skewers. ‘The tables, as a rule, were set beside the 
guests at intervals. That was the custom; and Seuthes set 
the fashion of the performance. He took up the loaves which 
lay by his side and broke them into little pieces, and then threw 
the fragments here to one and there to another as seemed 
him good ; and so with the meat likewise, leaving for himself 
the merest taste. Then the rest fell to following the fashion 
set them, those that is who had tables placed beside them. 

Now there was an Arcadian, Arystas by name, a huge eater ; 
he soon got tired of throwing the pieces about, and seized a 
good three-quartern loaf in his two hands, placed some pieces 
of meat upon his knees, and proceeded to discuss his dinner. 
Then beakers of wine were brought round, and every one 
partook in turn; but when the cupbearer came to Arystas and 
handed him the bowl, he looked up, and seeing that Xenophon 
had done eating: ‘Give it him,” quoth he, “he is more at 
leisure. I have something better to do at present.” Seuthes, 
hearing a remark, asked the cupbearer what was said, and the 
cupbearer, who knew how to talk Greek, explained. Then 
followed a peal of laughter. 

When the drinking had advanced somewhat, in came a 
Thracian with a white horse, who snatched the brimming bowl 
and said: ‘‘Here’s a health to thee, O Seuthes! Let me 
present thee with this horse. Mounted on him, thou shalt 
capture whom thou choosest to pursue, or retiring from battle, 
thou shalt not dread the foe.” He was followed by one who 
brought in a boy, and presented him in proper style with 
“ Here’s a health to thee, O Seuthes!” A third had “clothes 
for his wife.” Timasion, the Dardanian, pledged Seuthes, and 
presented a silver bowl! and a carpet worth ten minae.? 

1 Or rather ‘‘saucer”’ (icin). 2 £40. 


Dated SPEECHES AFTER DINNER 213 


Gnesippus, an Athenian, got up and said: “It was a good 
old custom, and a fine one too, that those who had, should 
give to the king for honour’s sake, but to those who had not, 
the king should give; whereby, my lord,” he added, ‘“‘I too 
may one day have the wherewithal to give thee gifts and 
honour.” Xenophon the while was racking his brains what 
he was to do; he was not the happier because he was seated 
in the seat next Seuthes as a mark of honour; and Herac- 
leides bade the cupbearer hand him the bowl. The wine 
had perhaps a little mounted to his head ; he rose, and man- 
fully seized the cup, and spoke: “I also, Seuthes, have to present 
you with myself and these my dear comrades to be your trusty 
friends, and not one of them against his will. They are more 
ready, one and all, still more than I, to be your friends. Here 
they are ; they ask nothing from you in return, rather they are 
forward to labour in your behalf; it will be their pleasure to 
bear the brunt of battle in voluntary service. With them, God 
willing, you will gain vast territory; you will recover what was 
once your forefathers’; you will win for yourself new lands ; and 
not lands only, but horses many, and of men a multitude, and 
many a fair dame besides. You will not need to seize upon 
them in robber fashion; it is your friends here who, of their 
own accord, shall take and bring them to you, they shall lay 
them at your feet as gifts.” Up got Seuthes and drained with 
him the cup, and with him sprinkled the last drops fraternally.* 

At this stage entered musicians blowing upon horns such 
as they use for signal calls, and trumpeting on trumpets, made 
of raw oxhide, tunes and airs, like the music of the double- 
octave harp.?_ Seuthes himself got up and shouted, trolling 
forth a war song; then he sprang from his place and leapt 
about as though he would guard himself against a missile, in 
right nimble style. Then came in a set of clowns and jesters. 

1 For the Thracian custom, vzde Suidas, s. v. karackedd fev. 

2 Or, ‘‘magadis.’’ This is said to have been one of the most perfect in- 
struments. It comprised two full octaves, the left hand playing the same notes 
as the right an octave lower. Guhl and Koner, p. 203, Engl. transl. See 
also Dict. Antig. ‘‘Musica’’; and Arist. Probl. xix. 18, Ava rl 7 dia racdy 
cuupuvia Gera uovn ; maryadlfover yap Tavrnv, dAAnv dé ovdeulay, z.e. ‘‘ since 
no interval except the octave (dua macév) could be magadised (the effect of 


any other is well known to be intolerable), therefore no other interval was 
employed at all.” 


214 ANABASIS—BK. VII. { wecomben ses 


But when the sun began to set, the Hellenes rose from 
their seats. It was time, they said, to place the night sen- 
tinels and to pass the watchword; further, they begged of 
Seuthes to issue an order that none of the Thracians were to 
enter the Hellenic camp at night, ‘“‘since between your 
Thracian foes and our Thracian friends there might be some 
confusion.” As they sallied forth, Seuthes rose to accom- 
pany them, like the soberest of men. When they were 
outside,! he summoned the generals apart and said: “Sirs, 
our enemies are not aware as yet of our alliance. If, there- 
fore, we attack them before they take precautions not to 
be caught, or are prepared to repel assault, we shall make 
a fine haul of captives and other stock.” The generals fully 
approved of these views, and bade him lead on. He answered : 
“Prepare and wait ; as soon as the right time comes I will be 
with you. I shall pick up the peltasts and yourselves, and 
with the help of the gods,? I will lead on.” “But con- 
sider one point,’ urged Xenophon; ‘“‘if we are to march 
by night, is not the Hellenic fashion best? When march- 
ing in the daytime that part of the army leads the van 
which seems best suited to the nature of the country to be 
traversed—heavy or light infantry, or cavalry; but by night 
our rule is that the slowest arm should take the lead. Thus 
we avoid the risk of being pulled to pieces: and it is not 
so easy for a man to give his neighbour the slip without 
intending, whereas the scattered fragments of an army are 
apt to fall foul of one another, and to cause damage or incur 
it in sheer ignorance.” ‘To this Seuthes replied: ‘‘ You reason 
well, and I will adopt your custom. I will furnish you with 
guides chosen from the oldest experts of the country, and I 
will myself follow with the cavalry in the rear; it will not take 
me long, if need be, to present myself at the front.” Then, 
for kinship’s sake, they chose ‘‘ Athenaia ”* as their watchword. 
With this, they turned and sought repose. 

It was about midnight when Seuthes presented himself 
with his cavalry troopers armed with corselets, and his light in- 


1 Lit. ‘‘ When he was come forth.” 
2 Or, reading ody roils tamos with Hug after Hirschig, translate ‘‘ and with 
the cavalry I will lead on.”’ 5 ‘Our Lady of Athens.” 


oS A THRACIAN CAMPAIGN 215 


fantry under arms. As soon as he had handed over to them 
the promised guides, the heavy infantry took the van, followed 
by the light troops in the centre, while the cavalry brought up 
the rear. At daybreak Seuthes rode up to the front. He 
complimented them on their method: so often had he him- 
self, while marching by night with a mere handful of men, 
been separated with his cavalry from his infantry. “ But now,” 
said he, “we find ourselves at dawn of day all happily together, 
just as we ought tobe. Do you wait for me here,” he proceeded, 
“and recruit yourselves. I will take a look round and rejoin 
you.” So saying he took a certain path over hill and rode off. 
As soon as he had reached deep snow, he looked to see whether 
there were footprints of human beings leading forward or in 
the opposite direction ; and having satisfied himself that the 
road was untrodden, back he came, exclaiming: ‘God will 
ing, sirs, it will be all right; we shall fall on the fellows, 
before they know where they are. I will lead on with the 
cavalry ; so that if we catch sight of any one, he shall not 
escape and give warning to the enemy. Do you follow, and 
if you are left behind, keep to the trail of the horses. Once 
on the other side of the mountains, we shall find ourselves 
in numerous thriving villages.” 

By the middle of the day he had already gained the top 
of the pass and looked down upon the villages below. Back 
he came riding to the heavy infantry and said: “I will 
at once send off the cavalry into the plain below, and the 
peltasts too, to attack the villages. Do you follow with what 
speed you may, so that in case of resistance you may lend us 
your aid.” Hearing this, Xenophon dismounted, and the 
other asked: “ Why do you dismount just when speed is the 
thing we want?” The other answered: “But you do not 
want me alone, I am sure. The hoplites will run all the 
quicker and more cheerily if I lead them on foot.” 

Thereupon Seuthes went off, and Timasion with him, taking 
the Hellene squadron of something like forty troopers. Then 
Xenophon passed the order: the active young fellows up to 
thirty years of age from the different companies to the front ; 
and off with these he went himself, bowling along ;+ while 

1 érpdyage, a favourite word with our author, Cf. Cyr. Il. iv. 3; Hell. 


216 ANABASIS—BK. VIL {° (es Apste 58 


December, B.C. 400 


Cleanor led the other Hellenes. When they had reached 
the villages, Seuthes, with about thirty troopers, rode up, ex- 
claiming: ‘ Well, Xenophon, this is just what you said! the 
fellows are caught, but now look here. My cavalry have gone 
off unsupported ; they are scattered in pursuit, one here, one 
there, and upon my word, I am more than half afraid the 
enemy will collect somewhere and do them a mischief. Some 
of us must remain in the villages, for they are swarming with 
human beings.” “Well then,” said Xenophon, “I will seize 
the heights with the men I have with me, and do you bid 
Cleanor extend his line along the level beside the villages.” 
When they had done so, there were enclosed—of captives for 
the slave market, one thousand ; of cattle, two thousand ; and 
of other small cattle, ten thousand. For the time being they 
took up quarters there. 

1v.—But next day Seuthes burnt the villages to the ground ; 
he left not a single house, being minded to inspire terror in the 
rest of his enemies, and to show them what they also were to 
expect, if they refused obedience ; and so he went back again. 
As to the booty, he sent off Heracleides to Perinthus to dis- 
pose of it, with a view to future pay for the soldiers. But for 
himself he encamped with the Hellenes in the lowland country 
of the Thynians, the natives leaving the flats and betaking 
themselves in flight to the uplands. 

There was deep snow, and cold so intense that the water 
brought in for dinner and the wine within the jars froze; and 
many of the Hellenes had their noses and ears frost-bitten. 
Now they came to understand why the Thracians wear fox- 
skin caps on their heads and about their ears ; and why, on the 
same principle, they are frocked not only about the chest and 
bust but so as to cover the loins and thighs as well; and why 
on horseback they envelop themselves in long shawls which 
reach down to the feet, instead of the ordinary short rider’s 
cloak. Seuthes sent off some of the prisoners to the hills with 
a message to say that if they did not come down to their 
homes, and live quietly and obey him, he would burn down 


VII. ii. 22. Herodotus uses it, ix. 66; so does Aristot. H. A, viii. 24, 4; 
so also Polybius, x. 20, 2; but the Atticists condemn it, Lobeck, Prryn. 582 ; 
except of course in poetry, e.g. Eur. Hel. 724. 


poet | EPISTHENES 


their villages and their corn, and leave them to perish with 
hunger. Thereupon down they came, women and children 
and the older men; the younger men preferred to quarter 
themselves in the villages on the skirts of the hills. On 
discovering this, Seuthes bade Xenophon take the youngest 
of the heavy infantry and join him on an expedition. They 
rose in the night, and by daybreak had reached the villages ; 
but the majority of the inhabitants made good their escape, 
for the hills were close at hand. Those whom he did catch, 
Seuthes unsparingly shot down. 

Now there was a certain Olynthian, named Episthenes ; he 
was a great lover of boys, and seeing a handsome lad, just 
in the bloom of youth and carrying a light shield, about to 
be slain, he ran up to Xenophon and supplicated him to rescue 
the fair youth. Xenophon went to Seuthes and begged him 
not to put the boy to death. He explained to him the 
disposition of Episthenes ; how he had once enrolled a com- 
pany, the only qualification required being that of personal 
beauty; and with these handsome young men at his side there 
was none so brave as he. Seuthes put the question, “‘ Would 
you like to die in his behalf, Episthenes ?” whereat the other 
stretched out his neck, and said, ‘Strike, if the boy bids you, 
and will thank his preserver.” Seuthes, turning to the boy, 
asked, ‘‘Shall I smite him instead of you?” The boy shook 
his head, imploring him to slay neither the one nor the other, 
whereupon Episthenes caught the lad in his arms, exclaiming, 
“Tt is time you did battle with me, Seuthes, for my boy; never 
will I yield him up,” and Seuthes laughed: ‘what must be 
must,’ and so consented. 

In these villages he decided that they must bivouac, so 
that the men on the mountains might be still further deprived 
of subsistence. Stealthily descending he himself found quar- 
ters in the plain; while Xenophon with his picked troops} 
encamped in the highest village on the skirts of the hills; and 
the rest of the Hellenes hard by, among the highland Thracians,? 
as they are called. 

After this, not many days had idly slipt away before the 
Thracians from the mountains came down and wished to 


1 See above, p. g2, note 1, 2 Cf, ‘‘ Highlanders,” 


CH. IV. § 12-17 


218 ANABASIS—BK. VII. Hecate 


arrange with Seuthes for terms of truce and hostages. Simul- 
taneously came Xenophon and informed Seuthes that they 
were camped in bad quarters, with the enemy next door; “it 
would be pleasanter too,” he added, “to bivouac in a strong 
position in the open, than under cover on the edge of 
destruction.” The other bade him take heart and pointed 
to some of their hostages, as much as to say ‘‘ Look there!” 
Parties also from the mountaineers came down and pleaded 
with Xenophon himself, to help arrange a truce for them. 
This he agreed to do, bidding them pluck up heart, and 
assuring them that they would meet with no mischief, if they 
yielded obedience to Seuthes. All their parleying, however, 
was, as it turned out, merely to get a closer inspection of 
things. This happened in the day, and in the following night 
the Thynians descended from the hill country and made an 
attack. In each case, the guide was the master of the house 
attacked ; otherwise it would have taxed their powers to discover 
the houses in the dark, which, for the sake of their flocks and 
herds, were palisaded all round with great stockades. As 
soon as they had reached the doors of any particular house, the 
attack began, some hurling in their spears, others belabouring 
with their clubs, which they carried, it was said, for the purpose 
of knocking off the lance points from the shaft. Others were 
busy setting the place on fire; and they kept calling Xenophon 
by name: “Come out, Xenophon, and die like a man, or we 
will roast you alive inside,” 

By this time too the flames were making their appearance 
through the roof, and Xenophon and his followers were within, 
with their coats of mail on, and big shields, swords, and helmets. 
Then Silanus, a Macistian,! a youth of some eighteen years, 
signalled on the trumpet; and in an instant, out they all leapt 
with their drawn swords, and the inmates of the other quarters 
as well. The Thracians took to their heels, according to their 
custom, swinging their light shields round their backs. As 
they leapt over the stockade some were captured, hanging on 
the top with their shields caught in the palings; others missed 
the way out, and so were slain; and the Hellenes chased them 
hotly, till they were outside the village. 


1 ««Of Macistus,’’ a town in the Triphylia near Scillus. 


December §*}) THE THYNIANS SUBMIT 219 

A party of Thynians turned back, and as the men ran past 
in bold relief against a blazing house, they let fly a volley of 
javelins, out of the darkness into the glare, and wounded two 
captains, Hieronymus, an Euodean,! and Theogenes, a Locrian. 
No one was killed, only the clothes and baggage of some 
of the men were consumed in the flames. Presently up came 
Seuthes to the rescue with seven troopers, the first to hand, 
and his Thracian trumpeter by his side. Seeing that some- 
thing had happened, he hastened to the rescue, and ever the 
while his bugler wound his horn, which music added terror to 
the foe. Arrived at length, he greeted them with outstretched 
hand, exclaiming, “I thought to find you all dead men.” 

After that, Xenophon begged him to hand over the hostages 
to himself, and if so disposed, to join him on an expedition 
to the hills, or if not, to let him go alone. Accordingly the 
next day Seuthes delivered up the hostages. They were men 
already advanced in years, but the pick of the mountaineers, 
as they themselves gave out. Not merely did Seuthes do this, 
but he came himself, with his force at his back (and by this 
time he had treble his former force, for many of the Odry- 
sians, hearing of his proceedings, came down to join in the 
campaign) ; and the Thynians, espying from the mountains 
the vast array of heavy infantry and light infantry and cavalry, 
rank upon rank, came down and supplicated him to make 
terms. “They were ready,” they professed, “‘to do all that he 
demanded; let him take pledges of their good faith.” So 
Seuthes summoned Xenophon and explained their proposals, 
adding that he should make no terms with them, if Xenophon 
wished to punish them for their night attack. The latter 
replied: “ For my part I should think their punishment is great 
enough already, if they are to be slaves instead of free men ; 
still,” he added, “I advise you for the future to take as hostages 
those who are most capable of doing mischief, and to let the 
old men bide in peace at home.” So to a man they gave in 
their adhesion in that quarter of the country. 

v.— Crossing over in the direction of the Thracians above 


1 Tf this is the same man as Hieronymus of Elis, who has been mentioned 
two or three times already (see above, pp. 72, 182, 200), possibly the word 
Evodéa points to some town or district of Elis ; or perhaps the text is corrupt. 


We ANABASIS—BK. VII. Pea ea 
Byzantium, they reached the Delta, as it is called. Here they 
were no longer in the territory of Maesades, but in the country 
of Teres the Odrysian [an ancient worthy].!_ Here Heracleides 
met them with the proceeds of the spoil, and Seuthes picked 
out three pairs of mules (there were only three, the other teams 
being oxen) ; then he summoned Xenophon and bade him take 
them, and divide the rest between the generais and officers, 
to which Xenophon replied that for himself, he was content to 
receive his share another time, but added: “Make a present 
of these to my friends here, the generals who have served 
with me, and to the officers.” So of the pairs of mules Tima- 
sion the Dardanian received one, Cleanor the Orchomenian 
one, and Phryniscus the Achaean one. The teams of oxen were 
divided among the officers. Then Seuthes proceeded to remit 
pay due for the month already passed, but all he could give 
was the equivalent of twenty days. Heracleides insisted that 
this was all he had got by his trafficking. Whereupon Xeno- 
phon with some warmth exclaimed: ‘‘ Upon my word, Hera- 
cleides, I do not think you care for Seuthes’ interest as you 
should. If you did, you would have been at pains to bring 
back the full amount of the pay, even if you had had to raise 
a loan to do so, and, if by no other means, by selling the coat 
off your own back.” 

What he said annoyed Heracleides, who was afraid of 
being ousted from the friendship of Seuthes, and from that 
day forward he did his best to calumniate Xenophon before 
Seuthes. The soldiers, on their side, laid the blame of course 
on Xenophon: ‘“ Where was their pay ?” and Seuthes was vexed 
with him for persistently demanding it for them. Up to this 
date he had frequently referred to what he would do when he 
got to the seaboard again; how he intended to hand over 
to him Bisanthe, Ganos, and Neontichos.! But from this 
time forward he never mentioned one of them again. The 
slanderous tongue of Heracleides had whispered him :—it was 


1 See above, p. 207; the words ‘‘an ancient worthy ’’ may possibly be an 
editor's or commentator’s note. 

2 For Bisanthe see above, p- 208, note 4. Ganos, a little lower down 
the coast, with Neontichos once belonged to Alcibiades, if we may believe 
Cornelius Nepos, A/c. vii. 4, and Plutarch, Alc, c. 36. See above, p. 211, 
note 2. 


face oy HERACLEIDES x 


not safe to hand over fortified towns to a man with a force 
at his back. 

Consequently Xenophon fell to considering what he ought 
to do as regards marching any further up the country; and 
Heracleides introduced the other generals to Seuthes, urging 
them to say that they were quite as well able to lead the army 
as Xenophon, and promising them that within a day or two 
they should have full pay for two months, and he again im- 
plored them to continue the campaign with Seuthes. To which 
Timasion replied that for his part he would continue no cam- 
paign without Xenophon ; not even if they were to give him 
pay for five months ;” and what Timasion said, Phryniscus 
and Cleanor repeated ; the views of all three coincided. 

Seuthes fell to upbraiding Heracleides in round terms. 
“‘Why had he not invited Xenophon with the others?” and 
presently they invited him, but by himself alone. He, per- 
ceiving the knavery of Heracleides, and that his object was 
to calumniate him with the other generals, presented himself ; 
but at the same time he took care to bring all the generals and 
the officers. After their joint consent had been secured, they 
continued the campaign. Keeping the Pontus on their right, 
they passed through the millet-eating! Thracians, as they are 
called, and reached Salmydessus. This is a point at which 
many trading vessels bound for the Black Sea run aground 
and are wrecked, owing to a sort of marshy ledge or sandbank 
which runs out for a considerable distance into the sea.” The 
Thracians, who dwell in these parts, have set up pillars as 
boundary marks, and each set of them has the pillage of its 
own flotsom and jetsom; for in old days, before they set up 
these landmarks, the wreckers, it is said, used freely to fall 
foul of and slay one another. Here was a rich treasure 


1 Or, ‘‘the Melinophagi.” 
2 See, for a description of this savage coast, Aesch. Prom. vinc. 726, etc. — 
““rpaxeta movrov Laduvdnola yvabos 
Ex Opbéevos vatrator, unTpuLa vediv.”’ 
‘The rugged Salmydesian jaw of the Black Sea, 
Inhospitable to sailors, stepmother of ships.” 
But the poet is at fault in his geography, since he connects ‘‘ the Salmydesian 
jaw’ with the Thermodon. 


222 ANABASIS—=BK: VIL. {°™ poh On 8 


trove, of beds and boxes numberless, with a mass of written 
books, and all the various things which mariners carry in their 
wooden chests. Having reduced this district, they turned 
round and went back again. By this time the army of Seuthes 
had grown to be considerably larger than the Hellenic army ; 
for on the one hand, the Odrysians flocked down in still larger 
numbers, and on the other, the tribes which gave in their 
adhesion from time to time were amalgamated with his arma- 
ment. They got into quarters on the flat country above 
Selybria at about three miles! distance from the sea. As 
to pay, not a penny was as yet forthcoming, and the soldiers 
were cruelly disaffected to Xenophon, whilst Seuthes, on his 
side, was no longer so friendlily disposed. If Xenophon ever 
wished to come face to face with him, want of leisure or some 
other difficulty always seemed to present itself. 

vi.—At this date, when nearly two months had already 
passed, an embassy arrived. These were two agents from 
Thibron—Charminus, a Lacedaemonian, and Polynicus. They 
were sent to say that the Lacedaemonians had resolved to 
open a campaign against Tissaphernes, and that Thibron, who 
had set sail to conduct the war, was anxious to avail himself 
of the troops. He would guarantee that each soldier should 
receive a daric a month as pay, the officers double pay, and 
the generals quadruple. ‘The Lacedaemonian emissaries had 
no sooner arrived than Heracleides, having learnt that they 
had come in search of the Hellenic troops, goes off himself 
to Seuthes and says: “The best thing that could have hap- 
pened ; the Lacedaemonians want these troops and you have 
done with them, so that if you hand over the troops to them, 
you will do, the Lacedaemonians a good turn and will cease 
to be bothered for pay any more. ‘The country will be quit of 
them once and for ever.” 

On hearing this Seuthes bade him introduce the emissaries. 
As soon as they had stated that the object of their coming 
was to treat for the Hellenic troops, he replied that he would 
willingly give them up, that his one desire was to be the 
friend and ally of Lacedaemon. So he invited them to par- 


1 Lit. ‘‘thirty stades.”’ Selymbria is about forty-four miles from Byzantium, 
two-thirds of the way to Perinthus. See above, p. 207. 


a a LACONIAN ENVOYS 223 
take of hospitality, and entertained them magnificently ; ‘but 
he did not invite Xenophon, nor indeed any of the other 
generals. Presently the Lacedaemonians asked : “ What sort 
of man is Xenophon?” and Seuthes answered: “Not a bad 
fellow in most respects; but he is too much the soldiers’ 
friend ; and that is why it goes ill with him.” They asked: 
“Does he play the popular leader?” and Heracleides an- 
swered : “Exactly so.” ‘Well then,” said they, “he will 
oppose our taking away the troops, will he not?” “To be 
sure he will,” said Heracleides ; “‘ but you have only to call a 
meeting of the whole body, and promise them pay, and little 
further heed will they pay to him ; they will run off with you.” 
“How then are we to get them collected?” they asked. 
“Karly to-morrow,” said Heracleides, “we will bring you to 
them; and I know,” he added once more, “as soon as they 
set eyes on you, they will flock to you with alacrity.”1 Thus 
the day ended. 

The next day Seuthes and Heracleides brought the two 
Laconian agents to the army, and the troops were collected, 
and the agents made a statement as follows: ‘‘ The Lacedae- 
monians have resolved on war with Tissaphernes, who did you 
so much wrong. By going with us therefore you will punish 
your enemy, and each of you will get a daric a month, the 
officers twice that sum, and the generals quadruple.” The 
soldiers lent willing ears, and up jumped one of the Arcadians 
at once, to find fault with Xenophon. Seuthes also was hard 
by, wishing to know what was going to happen. He stood 
within ear shot, and his interpreter by his side ; not but what 
he could understand most of what was said in Greek himself. 
At this point the Arcadian spoke: “For the matter of that, 
Lacedaemonians, we should have been by your sides long ago, 
if Xenophon had not persuaded us and brought us hither. 
We have never ceased campaigning, night and day, the dismal 
winter through, but he reaps the fruit of our toils. Seuthes 
has enriched him privately, but deprives us of our honest 
earnings ;” so that, standing here as I do to address you first, 
all I can say is, that if I might see the fellow stoned to death 


1 Or, ‘‘they will only be too glad to concur in your wishes.” 
2 Or, ‘Of our pay,” ‘‘ our service-money.” 


224 ANABASIS—BK. VII. | Hei ee 
as a penalty for all the long dance he has led us, I should feel 
I had got my pay in full, and no longer grudge the pains we 
have undergone.” The speaker was followed by another and 
then another in the same strain; and after that. Xenophon 
made the following speech :— 

“True is the old adage; there is nothing which mortal 
man may not expect to see. Here am I being accused by you 
to-day, just where my conscience tells me that I have displayed 
the greatest zeal in your behalf. Was I not actually on my road 
home when I turned back 2? Not, God knows, because I learned 
that you were in luck’s way, but because I heard that you 
were in sore straits, and I wished to help you, if in any way 
I could. I returned, and Seuthes yonder sent me messenger 
after messenger, and made me promise upon promise, if only 
I could persuade you to come to him. Yet, as you your- 
selves will bear me witness, I was not to be diverted. In- 
stead of setting to my hand to do that, I simply led you to a 
point from which, with least loss of time, I thought you could 
cross into Asia. This I believed was the best thing for you, 
and you I knew desired it. 

“But when Aristarchus came with his ships of war and 
hindered our passage across, you will hardly quarrel with me 
for the step I then took in calling you together that we might 
advisedly consider our best course. Having heard both sides, 
first Aristarchus, who ordered you to march to the Cher- 
sonese, then Seuthes, who pleaded with you to undertake a 
campaign with himself,—you all proposed to go with Seuthes ; 
and you all gave your votes to that effect. What wrong 
did I commit in bringing you, whither you were eager to go? 
If, indeed, since the time when Seuthes began to tell lies and 
cheat us about the pay, I have supported him in this, you 
may justly find fault with me and hate me. But if I, who at 
first was most of all his friend, to-day am more than any one 
else at variance with him, how can I, who have chosen you 
and rejected Seuthes, in fairness be blamed by you for the 
very thing which has been the ground of quarrel between him 
and me? But you will tell me, perhaps, that I get from 
Seuthes what is by right yours, and that I deal subtly by 
you? But is it not clear that, if Seuthes has paid me any- 


ot XENOPHON’S SPEECH Bee 
thing, he has at any rate not done so with the intention, of 
losing by what he gives me, whilst he is still your debtor? 
If he gave to me, he gave in order that, by a small gift to 
me, he might escape a larger payment to yourselves. But if 
that is what you really think has happened, you can render 
this whole scheme of ours null and void in an instant by 
exacting from him the money which is your due. It is clear, 
Seuthes will demand back from me whatever I have got from 
him, and he will have all the more right to do so, if I 
have failed to secure for him what he bargained for when I 
took his gifts. But indeed I am far removed from enjoy- 
ing what is yours, and I swear to you by all the gods and 
goddesses that I have not taken even what Seuthes promised 
me in private. He is present himself and listening, and he 
is aware in his own heart whether I swear falsely. And 
what will surprise you the more, I can swear besides, that I 
have not received even what the other generals have received, 
no, nor yet what some of the officers have received. But how 
so? why have I managed my affairs no better? I thought, 
sirs, the more I helped him to bear his poverty at the time, the 
more I should make him my friend in the day of his power. 
Whereas, it is just when I see the star of his good fortune 
rising, that I have come to divine the secret of his character. 

‘*Some one may say, are you not ashamed to be so taken 
in like a fool? Yes, I should be ashamed, if it had been an 
open enemy who had so deceived me. But, to my mind, when 
friend cheats friend, a deeper stain attaches to the perpetrator 
than to the victim of deceit. Whatever precaution a man 
may take against his friend, that we took in full. We certainly 
gave him no pretext for refusing to pay us what he promised. 
We were perfectly upright in our dealings with him, We did 
not dawdle over his affairs, nor did we shrink from any work 
to which he challenged us. 

“But you will say, I ought to have taken security of him 
at the time, so that had he fostered the wish, he might have 
lacked the ability to deceive. To meet that retort, I must 
beg you to listen to certain things, which I should never have 
said in his presence, except for your utter want of feeling 
towards me, or your extraordinary ingratitude. Try and recall 

Q 


226 | ANABASIS—BK. VII. Fenny eee 


the posture of your affairs, when I extricated you and brought 
you to Seuthes. Do you not recollect how at Perinthus Aris- 
tarchus shut the gates in your faces each time you offered to 
approach the town,! and how you were driven to camp outside 
under the canopy of heaven? It was midwinter; you were 
thrown upon the resources of a market wherein few were the 
articles offered for sale, and scanty the wherewithal to purchase 
them. Yet stay in Thrace you must, for there were ships 
of war riding at anchor in the bay, ready to hinder your 
passage across; and what did that stay imply? It meant 
being in a hostile country, confronted by countless cavalry, 
legions of light infantry. And what had we? A heavy infantry 
force certainly, with which we could have dashed at villages 
in a body possibly, and seized a modicum of food at most ; 
but as to pursuing the enemy with such a force as ours, or 
capturing men or cattle, the thing was out of the question; for 
when I rejoined you your original cavalry and light infantry 
divisions had disappeared. In such sore straits you lay! 
“Supposing that, without making any demands for pay what- 
ever, I had merely won for you the alliance of Seuthes—whose 
cavalry and light infantry were just what you needed—would 
you not have thought that I had planned very well for you? 
I presume, it was through your partnership with him and his 
that-you were able to find such complete stores of corn-in the 
villages, when the Thracians were driven to take to their heels 
in such hot haste, and you had so large a share of captives 
and cattle. Why! from the day on which his cavalry force 
was attached to us, we never set eyes on a single foeman in 
the field, though. up to that date the enemy with his cavalry 
and his light infantry used undauntedly to hang on our heels, 
and effectually prevented us from scattering in small bodies and 
reaping a rich harvest of provisions. But if he who partly 
gave you this security has failed to pay in full the wages due 
to you therefrom, is not that a terrible misfortune? So mon- 
strous indeed that you think I ought not to go forth alive.” 
1 Reading el Tpoohre Th TONEL, "Apiarapxos buds k.7.d.; or, if, with Hug 
and others, reading ov« els uev IL. mpoonre rv modu, *Aplorapyos ia) vpas, — 
‘‘ Aristarchus shut the gates in your face, and you never entered the town. 


For the incident referred to see above, p. 204. 
* J.e. the fate of a scape-goat is too good for me. 


oy IN SELF-DEFENCE We 


“But let me ask you, in what condition do you turn your 
backs on this land to-day? Have you not wintered here in 
the lap of plenty? Whatever you have got from Seuthes has’ 
been surplus gain. Your enemies have had to meet the bill of 
your expenses, whilst you led a merry round of existence, in 
which you have not once set eyes on the dead body of a com- 
rade or lost one living man. Again, if you have achieved any, 
(or rather many) noble deeds against the Asiatic barbarian, 
you have them safe. And in addition to these to-day you have 
won for yourselves a second glory. You undertook a campaign 
against the European Thracians, and have mastered them. 
What I say then is, that these very matters which you make 
a ground of quarrel against myself, are rather blessings for 
which you ought to show gratitude to heaven. 

“Thus far I have confined myself to your side of the matter. 
Bear with me, I beg you, whilst we examine mine. When I 
first essayed to part with you and journey homewards, I was 
doubly blest. From your lips I had won some praise, and, 
thanks to you, I had obtained glory from the rest of Hellas. 
I was trusted by the Lacedaemonians ; else would they not 
have sent me back to you. Whereas to-day I turn to go, 
calumniated before the Lacedaemonians by yourselves, detested 
in your behalf by Seuthes, whom I meant so to benefit, by 
help of you, that I should find in him a refuge for myself and 
for my children, if children I might have, in after time. And 
you the while, for whose sake I have incurred so much hate, 
the hate of people far superior to me in strength, you, for 
whom I have not yet ceased to devise all the good I can, 
entertain such sentiments about me. Why? Iam no rene- 
gade or runaway slave, you have got hold of. If you carry 
out what you say, be sure you will have done to death a man 
who has passed many a vigil in watching over you; who has 
shared with you many a toil and run many a nsk in turn and 
out of turn; who, thanks to the gracious gods! has by your 
side set up full many a trophy over the barbarian ; who, lastly, 
to save you from becoming the foes of your own countrymen, 
has strained every nerve in his body to protect you against 
yourselves. And so it is, that to-day you can move freely, 
where you choose, by sea or by land, and no one can say you 


eae ANABASIS—BK. VII. eae ee 
nay; and you, on whom this large liberty dawns, who are 
sailing to a long desired goal, who are sought after by the 
greatest of military powers, who have pay in prospect, and 
for leaders these Lacedaemonians, our acknowledged chiefs : 
now is the appointed time, you think, to put me to a speedy 
death. But in the days of our difficulties it was very 
different, O ye men of marvellous memory! No! in those 
days you called me ‘father !’ and you promised you would 
bear me ever in mind, ‘your benefactor.’ Not so, however, 
not so ungracious are those who have come to you to-day ; 
nor, if I mistake not, have you bettered yourselves in their eyes 
by your treatment of me.” 

With these words he paused, and Charminus the Lacedae- 
monian got up and said: ‘‘ Nay, by the Twins, you are wrong, 
surely, in your anger against this man; I myself can bear 
testimony in his favour. When Polynicus and I asked Seuthes, 
what sort of a man he was? Seuthes answered :—he had but 
one fault to find with him, that he was too much the soldiers’ 
friend, which also was the cause why things went wrong with 
him, whether as regards us Lacedaemonians or himself, 
Seuthes.” 

Upon that Eurylochus of Lusia, an Arcadian, got up and 
said (addressing the two Lacedaemonians), ‘Yes, sirs; and 
what strikes me is that you cannot begin your generalship of us 
better than by exacting from Seuthes our pay. Whether he like 
it or no, let him pay in full; and do not take us away before.” 

Polycrates the Athenian, who was put forward by Xeno- 
phon,! said : “ If my eyes do not deceive me, sirs, there stands 
Heracleides yonder, the man who received the property won 
by our toil, who took and sold it, and never gave back either to 
Seuthes or to us the proceeds of the sale, but kept the money 
to himself, like the thief he is. If we are wise, we will lay 
hold of him, for he is no Thracian, but a Hellene ; and against 
Hellenes is the wrong, he has committed.” 

When Heracleides heard these words, he was in great con- 
sternation ; so he came to Seuthes and said: “If we are wise 
we will get away from here out of reach of these fellows.” So 
they mounted their horses and were gone in a trice, galloping to 


1 Cf, Cyrop. I, vi. 19; and see above, p. rr, note 2. 


CH. vi. § 42-CH. vil. § 5) 


ie } MEDOSADES 228 


their own camp. Subsequently Seuthes sent Abrozelmes; his 
private interpreter, to Xenophon, begging him to stay behind 
with one thousand heavy troops; and engaging duly to deliver 
to him the places on the seaboard, and the other things which 
he had promised ; and then, as a great secret, he told him, that 
he had heard from Polynicus that if he once got into the 
clutches of the Lacedaemonians, Thibron was certain to put 
him to death. Similar messages kept coming to Xenophon 
by letter or otherwise from several quarters, warning him that 
he was calumniated, and had best be on his guard. Hearing 
which, he took two victims and sacrificed to Zeus the King: 
‘Whether it were better and happier to stay with Seuthes on 
the terms proposed, or depart with the army?” The answer 
he received was, ‘‘ Depart.” 

vit.—After this, Seuthes removed his camp to some con- 
siderable distance; and the Hellenes took up their quarters 
in some villages, selecting those in which they could best supply 
their commissariat, on the road to the sea. Now these par- 
ticular villages had been given by Seuthes to Medosades. 
Accordingly, when the latter saw his property in the villages 
being expended by the Hellenes, he was not over well pleased ; 
and taking with him an Odrysian, a powerful person amongst 
those who had come down from the interior, and about thirty 
mounted troopers, he came and challenged Xenophon to come 
forth from the Hellenic host. He, taking some of the officers 
and others of a character to be relied upon, came forward. 
Then Medosades, addressing Xenophon, said: “ You are doing 
wrong to pillage our villages; we give you fair warning—lI, 
in behalf of Seuthes, and this man by my side, who comes 
from Medocus, the king up country—to be gone out of the 
land. If you refuse, understand, we have no notion of hand- 
ing it over to you; but if you injure our country we will 
retaliate upon you as foes.” 

Xenophon, hearing what they had to say, replied: “Such 
language addressed to us by you, of all people, is hard to 
answer. Yet for the sake of the young man with you, I will 
attempt to do so, that at least he may learn how different your 
nature is from ours. We,” he continued, “‘ before we were your 
friends, had the free run of this country, moving this way or 


230 ANABASIS—BK. VII. Fetrucee eae 
that, as it took our fancy, pillaging and burning just as we 
chose; and you yourself, Medosades, whenever you came to 
us on an embassy, camped with us, without apprehension of 
any foe. As a tribe collectively you scarcely approached the 
country at all, or if you found yourselves in it, you bivouacked 
with your horses bitted and bridled, as being in the territory of 
your superiors. Presently you made friends with us, and, thanks 
to us, by God’s help you won this country, out of which to-day 
you seek to drive us; a country which we held by our own 
strength and gave to you. No hostile force, as you well know, 
was capable of expelling us. It might have been expected of 
you personally to speed us on our way with some gift, in return 
for the good we did you. Not so; even though our backs are 
turned to go, we are too slow in our movements for you. 
You will not suffer us to take up quarters even, if you can help 
it, and these words arouse no shame in you, either before 
the gods, or this Odrysian, in whose eyes to-day you are a 
man of means, though until you cultivated our friendship you 
lived a robber’s life, as you have told us. However, why do 
you address yourself to me? I am no longer in command. 
Our generals are the Lacedaemonians, to whom you and yours 
delivered over the army for withdrawal ; and that, without even 
inviting me to attend, you most marvellous of men, so that if 
I lost their favour! when I brought you the troops, I might 
now win their gratitude by restoring them.” 

As soon as the Odrysian had heard this statement, he 
exclaimed : “ For my part, Medosades, I sink under the earth 
for very shame at what I hear. If I had known the truth 
before, I would never have accompanied you. As it is, I return 
at once. Never would King Medocus applaud me, if I drove 
forth his benefactors.” With these words, he mounted his 
horse and rode away, and with him the rest of his horse- 
men, except four or five. But Medosades, still vexed by 
the pillaging of the country, urged Xenophon to summon 
the two Lacedaemonians ; and he, taking the pick of his men, 
came to Charminus and Polynicus and informed them that 
they were summoned by Medosades; probably they, like 
himself, would be warned to leave the country; “if so,” he 


1 Or lit. ‘‘so that just as I incurred their hatred when,” etc, 


CH. Vil. § 14-20) 


February Ih CHARMINUS 231 


added, ‘‘you will be able to recover the pay which is owing to 
the army. You can say to them, that the army has requested 
you to assist in exacting their pay from Seuthes, whether he like 
it or not; that they have promised, as soon as they get this, 
cheerfully to follow you; that the demand seems to you to be 
only just, and that you have accordingly promised not to leave, 
until the soldiers have got their dues.” The Lacedaemonians 
accepted the suggestion: they would apply these arguments 
and others the most forcible they could hit upon ; and with the 
proper representatives of the army,! they immediately set off. 

On their arrival Charminus spoke: “If you have anything 
to say to us, Medosades, say it; but if not, we have something 
to say to you.” And Medosades submissively made answer : 
“T say,” said he, “and Seuthes says the same: we think 
we have a right to ask that those who have become our 
friends should not be ill-treated by you; whatever ill you do 
to them you really do to us, for they are a part of us.” 
“Good !” replied the Lacedaemonians, ‘‘and we intend to go 
away as soon as those who won for you the people and the 
territory in question have got their pay. Failing that, we are 
coming without further delay to assist them and to punish 
certain others who have broken their oaths and done them 
wrong. If it should turn out that you come under this 
head, when we come to exact justice we shall begin with you.” 
Xenophon added : ‘‘ Would you prefer, Medosades, to leave it 
to these people themselves, in whose country we are (your 
friends, since that is the designation you prefer),? to decide 
by ballot, which of the two should leave the country, you or 
we?” To that proposal he shook his head, but he trusted 
the two Laconians might be induced to go to Seuthes about 
the pay, adding, ‘‘Seuthes, I am sure, will lend a willing ear ;” 
or if they could not go, then he prayed them to send Xenophon 
with himself, promising to lend the latter all the aid in his 
power, and finally he begged them not to burn the villages. 
Accordingly they sent Xenophon, and with him a serviceable 
staff? Being arrived, he addressed Seuthes thus :— 


1 Or, ‘‘ with the more important members.” 
2 Or, ‘‘ they are your friends, you tell us.” 
3 Or, ‘those who seemed fittest for such an expedition.” 


232 ANABASIS—BK. VII. (pec ae 


“‘ Seuthes, I am here to advance no claims, but to show you, 
if I can, how unjust it was on your part to be angered with me 
because I zealously demanded of you on behalf of the soldiers 
what you promised them. According to my belief, it was no 
less to your interest to deliver it up, than it was to theirs to 
receive it. I cannot forget that, next to the gods, it was they 
who raised you up to a conspicuous eminence, when they 
made you king of large territory and many men, a position 
in which you cannot escape notice, whether you do good or 
do evil. For a man so circumstanced, I regarded it as a great 
thing that he should avoid the suspicion even of ungrateful part- 
ing with his benefactors. It was a great thing, I thought, that 
you should be well spoken of by six thousand human beings ; 
but the greatest thing of all, that you should in no wise dis- 
credit the sincerity of your own word. For what of the man 
who cannot be trusted? I see that the words of his mouth 
are but vain words, powerless, and unhonoured ; but with him 
who is seen to regard truth, the case is otherwise. He can 
achieve by his words what another achieves by force. If he 
seeks to bring the foolish to their senses—his very frown, I 
perceive, has a more sobering effect than the chastisement 
inflicted by another. Or in negotiations the very promises of 
such an one are of equal weight with the gifts of another. 

“Try and recall to mind in your own case, what advance 
of money you made to us to purchase our alliance. You know 
you did not advance one penny. It was simply confidence 
in the sincerity of your word which incited all these men to 
assist you in your campaign, and so to acquire for you an 
empire, worth many times more than thirty talents,! which 
is all they now claim to receive. Here then, first of all, 
goes the credit which won for you your kingdom, sold for so 
mean a sum. Let me remind you of the great importance 
which you then attached to the acquisition of your present 
conquests. I am certain that to achieve what stands achieved 
to-day, you would willingly have foregone the gain of fifty 
times that paltry sum. To me it seems that to lose your 
present fortune were a more serious loss than never to have 
won it; since surely it is harder to be poor after being rich 


1 = gl zeros: 


Hor? 35} = XENOPHON. AND: SEUTHES 233 
than never to have tasted wealth at all, and more painful to 
sink to the level of a subject, being a king, than never to have 
worn a crown. 

“You cannot forget.that your present vassals were not per- 
suaded to become your subjects out of love for you, but by 
sheer force; and but for some restraining dread they would 
endeavour to be free again to-morrow. And how do you pro- 
pose to stimulate their sense of awe, and keep them in good 
behaviour towards you? Shall they see our soldiers so dis- 
posed towards you that a word on your part would suffice to 
keep them now, or if necessary would bring them back again 
to-morrow? while others hearing from us a hundred stories in 
your praise, hasten to present themselves at your desire? Or 
will you drive them to conclude adversely, that through mistrust 
of what has happened now, no second set of soldiers will come 
to help you, for even these troops of ours are more their friends 
than yours? And indeed it was not because they fell short of 
us in numbers that they became your subjects, but from lack 
of proper leaders. There is a danger, therefore, now lest they 
should choose as their protectors some of us who regard our- 
selves as wronged by you, or even better men than us—the 
Lacedaemonians themselves ; supposing our soldiers undertake 
to serve with more enthusiasm, if the debt you owe to them be 
first exacted ; and the Lacedaemonians, who need their ser- 
vices, consent to this request. It is plain, at any rate, that 
the Thracians, now prostrate at your feet, would display far 
more enthusiasm in attacking, than in assisting you; for your 
mastery means their slavery, and your defeat their liberty. 

* Again, the country is now yours, and from this time for- 
ward you have to make provision for what is yours; and how 
will you best secure it an immunity from ill? Either these 
soldiers receive their dues and go, leaving a legacy of peace 
behind, or they stay and occupy an enemy’s country, whilst 
you endeavour, by aid of a still larger army, to open a new 
campaign and turn them out; and your new troops will also 
need provisions. Or again, which will be the greater drain 
on your purse? to pay off your present debt, or, with that still 
owing, to bid for more troops, and of a better quality ? 

“‘ Heracleides, as he used to prove to me, finds the sum 


234 ANABASIS—BK. VII. | epree e 


excessive. But surely it is a far less serious thing for you to 
take and pay it back to-day than it would have been to pay 
the tithe of it, before we came to you; since the limit between 
less and more is no fixed number, but depends on the relative 
capacity of payer and recipient, and your yearly income now is 
larger than the whole property which you possessed in earlier 
days. 

‘Well, Seuthes, for myself these remarks are the expression 
of friendly forethought for a friend. They are expressed in the 
double hope that you may show yourself worthy of the good 
things which the gods have given you, and that my reputation 
may not be ruined with the army. For I must assure you that 
to-day, if I wished to injure a foe, I could not do so with this 
army. Nor again, if I wished to come and help you, should I 
be competent to the task; such is the disposition of the 
troops towards me. And yet I call you to witness, along with 
the gods who know, that never have I received anything from 
you on account of the soldiers. Never to this day have I, to 
my private gain, asked for what was theirs, nor even claimed 
the promises which were made to myself; and I swear to you, 
not even had you proposed to pay me my dues, would I have 
accepted them, unless the soldiers also had been going to 
receive theirs too; how could I? How shameful it would 
have been in me, so to have secured my own interests, whilst I 
disregarded the disastrous state of theirs, I being so honoured 
by them. Of course to the mind of Heracleides this is all silly 
talk ; since the one great object is to keep money by whatever 
means. ‘That is not my tenet, Seuthes.! I believe that no fairer 
or brighter jewel can be given to a man, and most of all a prince, 
than the threefold grace of valour, justice, and generosity. He 
that possesses these is rich in the multitude of friends which 
surround him; rich also in the desire of others to be included 
in their number. While he prospers, he is surrounded by 
those who will rejoice with him in his joy; or if misfortune 
overtake him, he has no lack of sympathisers to give him help. 
However, if you have failed to learn from my deeds that I was, 
heart and soul, your friend; if my words are powerless to 
reveal the fact to-day, I would at least direct your attention to 


1 Or more lit. ‘‘ but for my part, Seuthes, I believe,” ete. 


Fiber "| HE READS HIM A LECTURE 235 


what the soldiers said ; you were standing by and heard what 
those who sought to blame me said. They accused me to the 
Lacedaemonians, and the point of their indictment was that I 
set greater store by yourself than by the Lacedaemonians ; 
but, as regards themselves, the charge was that I took more 
pains to secure the success of your interests than their own. 
They suggested that I had actually taken gifts from you. Was 
it, do you suppose, because they detected some ill-will in me 
towards you that they made the allegation? Was it not rather, 
that they had noticed my abundant zeal on your behalf? 

“All men believe, I think, that a fund of kindly feeling 
is due to him from whom we accept gifts. But what is your 
behaviour? Before I had ministered to you in any way, or 
done you a single service, you welcomed me kindly with 
your eyes, your voice, your hospitality, and you could not 
sate yourself with promises of all the fine things that were to 
follow. But having once achieved your object, and become 
the great man you now are, as great indeed as I could make 
you, you can stand by and see me degraded among my own 
soldiers! Well, time will teach you—that I fully believe—to 
pay whatever seems to you right, and even without the lessons 
of that teacher you will hardly care to see those who have 
spent themselves in benefiting you, become your accusers. 
Only, when you do pay your debt, I beg of you to use your best 
endeavour to right me with the soldiers. Leave me at least 
where you found me; that is all I ask.” 

After listening to this appeal, Seuthes called down curses 
on him, whose fault it was, that the debt had not long ago been 
paid, and, if the general suspicion was correct, this was Hera- 
cleides. ‘‘ For myself,” said Seuthes, “I never had any idea 
of robbing you of your just dues. I will repay.” Then Xeno- 
phon rejoined: “Since you are minded to pay, I only ask that 
you will do so through me, and will not suffer me on your 
account to hold a different position in the army from what I 
held when we joined you.” He replied: “As far as that 
goes, so far from holding a less honoured position among your 
own men on my account, if you will stay with me, keeping 
only a thousand heavy infantry, I will deliver to you the forti- 
fied places and everything I promised.” The other answered : 


236 ANABASIS—BK, vil. {C "4,o oe wee 
“On these terms I may not accept them, only let us go free.” 
‘“Nay, but I know,” said Seuthes, “that it is safer for you to 
bide with me than to go away.” Then Xenophon again: “ For 
your forethought I thank you, but I may not stay. Some- 
where I may rise to honour, and that, be sure, shall redound 
to your gain also.”! ‘Thereupon Seuthes spoke: “Of silver 
I have but little ; that little, however, I give to you, one talent ; 
but of beeves I can give you six hundred head, and of sheep 
four thousand, and of slaves six score. These take, and the 
hostages” besides, who wronged you, and begone.” Xeno- 
phon laughed and said: “ But supposing these all together 
do not amount to the pay ; for whom is the talent, shall I say ? 
It is a little dangerous for myself, is it not? I think I had 
better be on the look-out for stones when I return.? You 
heard the threats ?” 

So for the moment he stayed there, but the next day 
Seuthes gave up to them what he had promised, and sent an 
escort to drive the cattle. The soldiers at first maintained 
that Xenophon had gone to take up his abode with Seuthes, 
and to receive what he had been promised ; so when they saw 
him they were pleased, and ran to meet him. And Xenophon, 
seeing Charminus and Polynicus, said: ‘‘Thanks to your inter- 
vention, thus much has been saved for the army. My duty is 
to deliver this fraction over to your keeping ; do you divide and 
distribute it to the soldiers.” Accordingly they took the pro- 
perty and appointed official vendors of the booty, and in the 
end incurred considerable blame. Xenophon held aloof. In 
fact it was no secret that he was making his preparations to 
return home, for as yet the vote of banishment had not been 
passed at Athens. But the authorities in the camp came to 
him and begged him not to go away until he had conducted 
the army to its destination, and handed it over to Thibron. 

vii.—From this place they sailed across to Lampsacus, 


1 Vide Hellenica, III. ii. 9. 2 See above, p. 219. 

3 See above, p. 223. 

4 Ze. ‘‘at this moment the vote of banishment had not been passed which 
would prevent his return to Athens.’’ The natural inference from these words 
is, I think, that the vote of banishment was presently passed, at any rate con- 
siderably earlier than the battle of Coronea in B.C. 394, five years and a half 
afterwards. 


Febassy +) MEETS EUCLEIDES AT LAMPSACUS 237 


and here Xenophon was met by Eucleides the soothsayer, a 
Phliasian, the son of Cleagoras, who painted “the dreams”! in 
the Lyceum. Eucleides congratulated Xenophon upon his 
safe return, and asked him how much gold he had got? and 
Xenophon had to confess: “Upon my word, I shall have 
barely enough to get home, unless I sell my horse, and what 
I have about my person.” The other could not credit the 
statement. Now when the Lampsacenes sent gifts of hos- 
pitality to Xenophon, and he was sacrificing to Apollo, he 
requested the presence of Eucleides ; and the latter, seeing the 
victims, said: ‘‘ Now I believe what you said about having 
no money. But I am certain,” he continued, “if it were 
ever to come, there is an obstacle in the way. If nothing else, 
you are that obstacle yourself.” Xenophon admitted the 
force of that remark. Then the other: ‘Zeus Meilichios ? is 
an obstacle to you, I am sure,” adding in another tone of voice, 
“have you tried sacrificing to that god, as I was wont to 
sacrifice and offer whole burnt offerings for you at home?” 
Xenophon replied that since he had been abroad, he had 
not sacrificed to that god. Accordingly Eucleides counselled 
him to sacrifice in the old customary way : he was sure that 
his fortune would improve. ‘The next day Xenophon went on 
to Ophrynium and sacrificed, offering a holocaust of swine, after 
the custom of his family, and the signs which he obtained were 
favourable. That very day Bion and Nausicleides arrived laden 
with gifts for the army. These two were hospitably entertained 
by Xenophon, and were kind enough to repurchase the horse he 
had sold in Lampsacus for fifty darics ;* suspecting that he had 
parted with it out of need, and hearing that he was fond of the 
beast they restored it to him, refusing to be remunerated. 
From this place they marched through the Troad, and, cross- 
ing Mount Ida, arrived at Antandrus, and then pushed along the 
seaboard of Mysia to the plain of Thebe.* Thence they made 


1 Reading ra évimvia, or if ra évrotxia with Hug and others, translate 
‘« the wall-paintings”’ or the ‘‘frescoes.’’ Others think that a writing, not a 
painting, is referred to. 

2 Zeus Meilichios, or the gentle one. See Thuc. i, 126, The festival of 
the Diasia at Athens was in honour of that god, or rather of Zeus under that 
aspect. Cf. Arist. Clouds, 408. 3 About ‘‘ fifty guineas.”’ 

4 Thebe, a famous ancient town in Mysia, at the southern foot of Mt. 


238 ANABASIS—BK. VII. Fesane ee 
their way through Adramytium and Certonus? by Atarneus, 
coming into the plain of the Caicus, and so reached Pergamus 
in Mysia. 

Here Xenophon was hospitably entertained at the house of 
Hellas, the wife of Gongylus the Eretrian,? the mother of 
Gorgion and Gongylus. From her he learnt that Asidates, 
a Persian notable, was in the plain. ‘If you take thirty men 
and go by night, you will take him prisoner,” she said, 
“wife, children, money, and all; of money he has a store ;” 
and to show them the way to these treasures, she sent her own 
cousin and Daphnagoras, whom she set great store by. So 
then Xenophon, with these two to assist, did sacrifice ; and 
Basias, an Eleian, the soothsayer in attendance, said that the 
victims were as promising as could be, and the great man 
would be an easy prey. Accordingly, after dinner he set off, 
taking with him the officers who had been his staunchest 
friends and confidants throughout ; as he wished to do them 
a good turn. A number of others came thrusting themselves 
on their company, to the number of six hundred, but the 
officers repelled them: ‘‘ They had no notion of sharing their 
portion of the spoil,” they said, ‘‘just as though the property 
lay already at their feet.” 

About midnight they arrived. The slaves occupying the 
precincts of the tower, with the mass of goods and chattels, 
slipped through their fingers, their sole anxiety being to 
capture Asidates and his belongings. So they brought their 
batteries to bear, but failing to take the tower by assault 
(since it was high and solid, and well supplied with ramparts, 
besides having a large body of warlike defenders), they en- 
deavoured to undermine it. The wall was eight clay bricks 
thick, but by daybreak the passage was effected and the wall 
undermined. At the first gleam of light through the aperture, 
Placius, which is often mentioned in Homer (ZZ. i. 366, vi. 397, xxii. 479, 
ii. 691). See Dict. Geog. s. v. The name O7Bns mediov preserves the site. 
Cf, above Katorpou zedloy, and such modern names as ‘‘the Campagna” 
or ‘‘ Piano di Sorrento,”’ ‘‘ Salisbury Plain’’ ete. 

1 The site of Certonus is not ascertained. Some critics have conjectured 
that the name should be Cytonium, a place between Mysia and Lydia ; and 
Hug, who reads Kutwviov, omits ddevcavtes rap’ ’Arapvéa,‘‘they made their 


way by Atarneus,”’ as a gloss. 
2 Cf, Thuc: 1. 128; also Ae/Z, Ill, i. 6. 


ot CAPTURE OF ASIDATES 239 
one of the defendants inside, with a large ox-spit, smote right 
through the thigh of the man nearest the hole, and the rest 
discharged their arrows so hotly that it was dangerous to 
come anywhere near the passage; and what with their shout- 
ings and kindling of beacon fires, a relief party at length 
arrived, consisting of Itabelius at the head of his force, and 
a body of Assyrian heavy infantry from Comania, and some 
Hyrcanian cavalry,! the latter also being mercenaries of the king. 
There were eighty of them, and another detachment of light 
troops, about eight hundred, and more from Parthenium, and 
more again from Apollonia and the neighbouring places, also 
cavalry. 

It was now high time to consider how they were to beat a 
retreat. So seizing all the cattle and sheep to be had, with the 
slaves, they put them within a hollow square and proceeded to 
drive them off. Not that they had a thought to give to the 
spoils now, but for precaution’s sake and for fear lest if they 
left the goods and chattels behind and made off, the retreat 
would rapidly degenerate into a stampede, the enemy growing 
bolder as the troops lost heart. For the present then they 
retired as if they meant to do battle for the spoils. As soon 
as Gongylus espied how few the Hellenes were and how large 
the attacking party, out he came himself, in spite of his mother, 
with his private force, wishing to share in the action. Another 
too joined in the rescue,—Procles, from Halisarna and Teu- 
thrania, a descendant of Damaratus. Jy this time Xenophon 
and his men were being sore pressed by the arrows and sling- 
stones, though they marched in a curve so as to keep their 
shields facing the missiles, and even so, barely crossed the 
river Carcasus, nearly half of them wounded. Here it was 
that Agasias of Stymphalus, the captain, received his wound, 
while keeping up a steady unflagging fight against the enemy 
from beginning to end. And so they reached home in safety 
with about two hundred captives, and sheep enough for 
sacrifices. 


1 The Hyrcanian cavalry play an important part in the Cyropaedeia, 
They are the Sczrzdes of the Assyrian army who came over to Cyrus after the 
first battle. Their country is the fertile land touching the south-eastern corner 
of the Caspian. Cf. Cyrop. IV. ii. 8, where the author (or an editor) appends 
a note on the present status of the Hyrcanians, 


240 ANABASIS—BK. VIL. Mon eee 

The next day Xenophon sacrificed and led out the whole 
army under cover of night, intending to pierce far into the 
heart of Lydia with a view to lulling to sleep the enemy’s 
alarm at his proximity, and so in fact to put him off his guard. 
But Asidates, hearing that Xenophon had again sacrificed with 
the intention of another attack, and was approaching with his 
whole army, left his tower and took up quarters in some 
villages lying under the town of Parthenium. Here Xenophon’s 
party fell in with him, and took him prisoner, with his wife, his 
children, his horses, and all that he had; and so the promise 
of the earlier victims was literally fulfilled. After that they 
returned again to Pergamus, and here Xenophon might well 
thank God with a warm heart, for the Laconians, the officers, 
the other generals, and the soldiers as a body united to give 
him the pick of horses and cattle teams, and the rest; so that 
he was now in a position himself to do another a good turn. 

Meanwhile Thibron arrived and received the troops, which 
he incorporated with the rest of his Hellenic forces,! and 
so proceeded to prosecute a war against Tissaphernes and 
Pharnabazus.? 


1 See Hei/. Ill. i. 6. 

2 The MSS. add: ‘‘ The following is a list of the governors of the 
several territories of the king which were traversed by us during the expedi- 
tion: Artimas, governor of Lydia; Artacamas, of Phrygia; Mithridates, 
of Lycaonia and Cappadocia ; Syennesis, of Cilicia; Dernes, of Phoenicia 
and Arabia; Belesys, of Syria and Assyria; Rhoparas, of Babylon; 
Arbacas, of Media; Tiribazus, of the Phasians and Hesperites. ‘Then 
some independent tribes—the Carduchians or Kurds, and Chalybes, and 
Chaldaeans, and Macrones, and Colchians, and Mossynoecians, and 
Coetians, and Tibarenians. Then Corylas, the governor of Paphlagonia ; 
Pharnabazus, of the Bithynians; Seuthes, of the European Thracians. 
The entire journey, ascent and descent, consisted of two hundred and fifteen 
stages=one thousand one hundred and fifty-five parasangs = thirty-four 
thousand six hundred and fifty stades. Computed in time, the length of 
ascent and descent together amounted to one year and three months.” 
The annotator apparently computes the distance from Ephesus to Cotyora. 


See above, Azad, II. ii. 6, p. 44, note 1, compared with Azad. V. v. 4, 
p-. 147, note I. 


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INDEX 


Abrocomas, an enemy of Cyrus, posted 
on the Euphrates, Azad. I. iii. 20, 
p- I2; some Greek mercenaries 
revolt from him to Cyrus, I. iv. 3, 
p- 14; makes no defence, I. iv. 5, 
p- 14; had burnt ships to prevent 
Cyrus crossing the Euphrates, I. iv. 
18, p. 17; arrived five days too late 
for the battle, I. vii. 12, p. 25 

Abrozelmes, Seuthes’ private inter- 
preter, d4vad. VII. vi. 43, p. 229 

Achaeans, the, with the Arcadians 


formed numerically the larger half 


of the army, Azad. VI. ii. 10, p. 
175. See under Arcadians 

Acherusian Chersonese, Azad. VI. ii. 
2, Pp. 173 

Adramytium, Azad, VII. viii. 8, p. 
238 

Aeetes, Anzab. V. vi. 37, Pp. 157 

Aeneas of Stymphalus killed, Anad. 
LV evil £3; p. £24) 

Aenianians, the, among the troops of 
Menon, Axad. I. ii. 6, p. 6; and 
the Magnesians dance the Carpaea, 
WI 75) p-2tos 

Aeolid, Azad. V. vi. 24, p. 154 

Aeschines, an Acarnanian, Anad. IV. 
0 LP ey atotsin IVE Ail es onerm-ze) 

Agasias of Stymphalus, an officer of 
the heavy infantry, Azad, III. i. 37, 
Me le 27 pe OOne 1S 
bravery, IV. vii. 11, p. 123; V- 
ii. 15, p. 137; ridicules the eager- 


ness of the Lacedaemonians for | 


{ 


R 


power, VI. i. 30, p. 172; goes as 
ambassador to Heraclea, VI. ii. 7, 
P- 174; with other seniors of the 
Arcadians disapproves of reuniting 
the army at Calpe, VI. iv. 10, p. 
182; rescues a soldier from Dex- 
ippus, VI. vi. 7, p. 190; his de- 
fence before Cleander, VI. vi. 17, 
p- 192 foll.; is wounded, VII. viii. 


LO P5239 


Agesilaus, his march into Boeotia, 


Anab. V. iii. 6, p. 130 


Agias, an Arcadian, one of the five 


generals arrested by Tissaphernes, 
AAU Al ve 30 PSO) decapi- 
tated iw vi. 2, pp: Or 4 hiss tine 
character, II. vi. 30, p. 66 


Amazons, battle-axe like those worn 


by the, Azad. IV. iv. 16, p. 112 


Ambraciot. See Silanus 
Amphicrates, an Athenian officer, 


Anaéb, IV. ii. 13 foll., p. 103 


Anaxibius, Lacedaemonian admiral, 


friend of Cheirisophus, Azad. V. i. 
4, p. 132; sends compliments and 
promises by Cheirisophus to army 
at Sinope, VI. 1. 16, p: 16975" his 
power, VI. vi. 13, p. 191; Pharna- 
bazus begs him to convey the army 
out of Asia; promises compliance 
with his wishes, VII. i. 1, p. 196; 
promises pay to the army if they 
cross the strait ; presses Xenophon 
not to leave till then, z4. 3 foll., 
p. 196; breaks faith and orders 


242 
them off, 2d. 7 foll., p. 197; adds 
further, threats; 20) 10, pp. 10775 


orders them off to the Chersonese, 
10. 13, Pp, 197 3) flees in) terrors to 
the citadel, 74. 20, p. 199; takes 
further steps to be rid of them, 2d. 
34 foll., p. 201 ; admits Xenophon 


on certain terms, 24. 39, p. 202;/ 


leaves Byzantium, VII. ii. 5, p. 
203; deceived in Pharnabazus, 
sends Xenophon back to the army, 
ib. 8, p. 203; Aristarchus’s opposi- 
tion to, zd. 13, p. 204 


Antandrus, Anad. VII. viii. 7, p. 
237 p d 

Antileon, of Thurii, Azad. V. i. 3, p 
132 


Apollo, and Marsyas, Azad. I. ii. 8, 
p- 5; Xenophon’'s dedicatory offer- 
ing to, V. ili. 4, p. 140; Xenophon 


sacrifices at Lampsacus to, VII. 
Willey Oy Da 237, 

Apollonia, a town of Mysia, Anad. 
VII. viii. 15, p. 239 


Apollonides, a faint-hearted officer, 


degraded, Anad, III. i. 26-32, p. 
7x foll. 

Arabiawedad.. Ih nVas dep: ane Vel le 
Vili. 25, p. 240 xole 

Araxes, the river, Avad. I. iv. 19, p. 


17 

Arbaces, one of the four generals of 
Artaxerxes, Azad, I. vii. 12, p. 25; 
governor of Media, VII. vili. 25, p 
240 nole 

Arcadians and Achaeans form numeri- 
cally the larger half of the army, 
Anab. VI. ii. to foll., p. 175 foll.; 
separate at Heraclea, with the 
Achaeans, from the rest of the 
army, Vil. ile, pa 27 Sa esetasall 
first and disembark at Calpe Haven, 
VI. iii. 1 foll., p. 176; get into 
great danger and are rescued by 
Xenophon’s division, VI. iii. 17 foll., 
p. 179 foll.; their dance, VI. i. rr, 
p. 168; an Arcadian blames Xeno- 
phon before the Laconian envoy, 
VIL. vi. 8, p. 223 

Archagoras, an Argive exile, an officer, 
en Iv. il, 13-17, p. 103 

Arexion, an Arcadian soothsayer, 


Aristarchus 


INDEX 


Anab, VI. iv. 13, p. 182; VI, v. 
2) Pi LOS Gh Vila Vouow De ESO 


Argo, the ship, Azad. VI. iii. 1, p. 
173 
Ariaeus, the friend of Cyrus, com- 


mands his left wing in the battle, 
Anab. I. vill. 5, p. 27; perceiving 
fall of Cyrus, betakes himself to 
flight, I. ix. 31, p 35; the generals 
offer to place him on the king’s 
throne, II. i. 4, p. 40; declines, II. 
il. I, p. 43; exchange of oaths be- 
tween, and the Hellenes, II. ii. 8 
foll., p. 44; his proposed route 
home, II. ii. 11, p. 44; receives over- 
tures from the king, and pays less 
attention to the Hellenes, II. iv. 1 


foll., p. 50 foll.; suspicious be- 
haviour on the part of, II. iv. 9 
foll., p» 525 at the Tigris, 2i.925 
foll., p. 53; brings a message from 


the king after the arrest of the 
ROnscilice SIG We ey jes Gen oS 
answered by Cleanor and Xeno- 
phon, 24. 39 foll., p. 60 foll. 
succeeds Cleander as 
Laconian governor at Byzantium ; 
sells no less than four hundred of 
the Cyreian troops, Azad. VII. ii. 
5 foll., p. 203; instigated by Phar- 
nabazus, prevents the army crossing 
over from Perinthus into Asia, VII. 
liME2, p. 204.5) Vl. Vin tey paceam 
VII. vi. 24, p. 226; plots against 
Xenophon, VII. ii. 14, p. 204; is 
foiled, VII. iii. 2 foll., p. 208 foll. 


Aristeas, of Chios, a captain of light 


infantry, Anad. IV. i. 28, p. 10r; 
IV. vi. 20, p: 121 


Aristippus, the Thessalian, receives 


money and troops from Cyrus, 
Anal, |. i. 10, p. 3; friendship 
with Menon, II. vi. 28, p. 65 


Ariston, an Athenian, Azad. V. vi. 


T4, p. 152 


Aristonymus, of Methydrium, a heavy 


infantry officer, Avad. IV. i. 27, p. 


1004) IVa. Vi 20, ps 12 aeaio 
bravery, IV. vii. 9, p. 123 
Armenia, Amad. III. v. 17, p. 96; 


sources of Tigris and Euphrates in, 
IV. 1.3, p. 97; the Centrites, the 


INDEX 


frontier river between, and the 
country of the Carduchians, IV. iii. 
I, p. 105; the hills of, IV. iii. 20, 
p- 108 

Armenia, Western, 4ad. IV. iv. 4, p. 
110; boys play the part of waiters, 
IV. v. 33, p. 118; the horses of, 
IV. v. 36 foll., p. 118 foll. 

Artacamas, governor of Phrygia, Azad. 
VII. viii. 25, p. 240 xofe 

Artagerses, general in command of 
Artaxerxes’ cavalry, Azad. I. vii. 11, 
p. 25; slain by Cyrus with his own 
hand, I. viii. 24, p. 30 

Artaozus, like Ariaeus, had been a 
trusty friend to Cyrus, Azad. II. 
iv. 16, p. 53; his conduct after the 
murder of the generals, II. v. 35, 
p. 60 

Artapates, the trustiest of Cyrus’s 
wand-bearers, Azad. I. vi. 11, p. 
23; slain upon the body of Cyrus, 
I. viii. 28, p. 31 

Artaxerxes, elder brother to Cyrus; 
Anab, I, i. I, p. 1; succeeds his 
father Darius, I. i. 3, p. 1; wounded 
by Cyrus, attended by Ctesias, I. 
viii. 26, p. 30; plunders the camp 
of Cyrus, I. x. 1, p. 35; bids the 


Hellenes surrender their arms, II. i. | 


18, p. 40; is taken aback by the 
approach of the army, II. iii. 1, p. 
46; oaths and pledges exchanged 
between him and the Hellenes, II. 
iii. 25, p. 50; his natural brother 
leads an army to assist him, II. iv. 
25, Pp. 54 . 

Artemis of the Ephesians, temple of, 
Anab. \. vi. 7, p. 22; yearly sacri- 
fice at Athens to, III. ii. 12, p. 77; 
a tithe of the spoils selected for 
Apollo and, divided between the 
generals at Cerasus, V. iii. 4, p. 
140; what Xenophon did with the 
gift for, V. ili. 9, p. 141 

Artimas, governor of Lydia, Axad, 
VII. viii. 25, p. 240 xole 

Artuchas, mercenaries of, Azad. IV. 
iil. 4, Pp. 105 

Arystas, an Arcadian, a huge eater, 
Anaé, VII. iii. 23, p. 212 

Asidates, a Persian notable, Azad. 


243 


VIL viii. 9, p. 238; VII. viii. rs, 
p- 239; capture of, by Xenophon, 
VII. viii. 22, p. 240 

Aspendians, Azad, I. ii. 12, p. 6 

Assyria, Azad. VII. viii. 25, p. 240 
note 

Assyrian heavy infantry from Comania, 
Ana. VII. viii. 15, p. 239 

Atarneus, a city in the Aeolid, Azad. 
VII. viii. 8, p. 238 

Athenaia, Avad. VII. iii. 39, p. 214 

Athenians, the, valour of, in Persian 
wars, 4zab. III. ii. 11, p. 77; ‘are 
clever at stealing public moneys,’ 
IV. vi. 16, p. 120; power of, at 
beginning of Peloponnesian war, 
VII. i. 27 foll., p. 199 foll. ; rela- 
tionship of, to Thracians, VII. ii. 
31, p. 207 and xzoze ; treasury of, at 
Delphi, V. iii. 5, p. 140 


Babylon, Azad. II. ii. 6, p. 44 note ; 
V. Vv. 4, p. 147 note 

Babylonia, Azad. I. vii. 1, p. 23; IL. 
iil. 13, p. 45 

Basias, an Arcadian, Aad. IV. i. 18, 
Pp. 99 

Basias, an Eleian, a soothsayer, Aad 
VII. vili. 10, p. 238 

Belesys, ruler of Syria, Azad. I, iv. 
Io, p. 5; governor of Syria and 
Assyria, VII. viii. 25, p. 240 note 

Bion, a Laconian envoy, buys back 
Xenophon’s horse for him, Azad. 
Wile ville 6) ps 237, 

Bisanthe, a fortress on the Propontis, 
Ana. VII, ii. 38, p. 208; VII. v. 
8, p. 220 

Bithynians, the, Azad, VI. il. 17, p. 
176 

Bithynian Thracians, the, Avad. VI. 
Wore Pu too Villa vill 25,0 240 
note 

Boeotia, Anabd. V. iii. 6, p. 140 

Boiscus, the boxer, a Thessalian, 
Anab. V. vill. 23, p. 166 

Byzantines, the, in panic, Avad. VII. 
i. 19, p. 198; at sixes and sevens, 
2b. 39, p. 202 

Byzantium, Cleander the Spartan, 
governor at, Azad. VI. ii. 13, p.175; 
Anaxibius, Spartan admiral, being 


244 


in, agrees with Pharnabazus to 
convey the Hellenic army out of 
Asia, VII. i. 1, p. 196; the Hellenes 
cross to, 2d. 7, p. 197; in danger 
of being sacked, 7. 15, p. 198; 
before the war, belonged to Athens, 
26, 27, p. 200; Xenophon asks to 
enter, 2d. 38, p. 201; Aristarchus 
succeeds Cleander as governor of, 
VII. ii. 5, p. 203; four hundred of 
the Cyreians sold by Aristarchus in, 
16. 6, p. 203 


Caenae, city on the Tigris, Azad. III. 
iv. 28, p. 55 

Caicus, the plain of the, Azad. VII. 
viii. 8, p. 238 

Callimachus, an Arcadian, captain of 
the heavy armed, Azad. IV. i. 27, 
Ps LOO IV avila S,. pines; DIS 
bravery, IV. vii. 10, p. 123; sent 
as ambassador to Sinope, V. vi. 
I4, py es25 to tleraclea,, Vly i15°7; 
p. 174 foll.; a ringleader in detach- 
ing the Arcadians and Achaeans 
from the army, VI. ii. g foll., p. 174 

Calpe Haven, Anad. VI. ii. 13, p. 
rivAsg WAL ain aero siarksy WA, abl, a 
foe aise Wile aN Gey fay betexe) 

Cappadocia, Azad, I. ii. 20, p. 7; I.1x. 
7, p. 32; VII. viii. 25, p. 240 nore 

Carcasus, the river, Azad. VII. viii. 
18, p. 239 

Carduchians, the, or Kurds, a people 
dwelling on the hills addicted to war 
and not subject to the king, Anad. 
IM va 16 toll’, pos) folll WV. Vv. 
E75 iA Ory eV Lavin 2G io 4 Oo. 
foll.; Hellenes resolve to force a 
passage into territory of, III. v. 17, 
p- 96; IV. 1. 2, p. 97 foll.; will 
not be friendly, IV. i. 8 foll., p. 98; 
harassing attacks of, IV. i. 16 foll., 
p. 99 foll.; occupy a pass, IV. i. 
1g foll., p. 100; are with difficulty 


dislodged, IV. ii. 1 foll., p. 101; 
dwellings of, had their wine in 
cemented cisterns, IV. i. 22, p. 


104 ; methods of fighting, excellent 
archers, IV. ii. 24 foll., p. 104 foll. ; 
the seven days spent in traversing 
the country of, a continuous battle, 


INDEX 


IV. iii. 2, p. r05; threaten the rear 
of the enemy at the passage of the 


Centrites, IV. iii. 7 foll., p. 106 
foll. 

Carsus, a river of Cilicia, Azad. I. iv. 
4, p. 14 


Castolus, plain of the, Azad. I. i. 2, 
oy tan Math 75 1) CH 

Caystru-pedion, Amcé. I. il. 11, p. 6 

Celaenae, city of Phrygia, Aad, I. ii. 
GP HONS jon 

Centrites, frontier river between Ar- 
menia and Carduchia, Azad. IV. 
i) Ly ps LOS) LV ep ill 2 Gyn DaeLOy, 

Cephisodorus, an Athenian, Azad. IV. 
lin 03), p) o3)s 45 killed LVaniea7, 
p. 103 

Ceramén-agora, a populous city on 
the confines of Mysia, Azad, I. ii. 
Io, p. 6 

Cerasus, a Hellenic city on the sea, 
colony of Sinope in Colchis, Axadé. 
Vivi Supe LOO Ven Vou LOm Park Aone 
V. viii. 13 foll., p. 159 foll. 

Cerberus, the dog, dzaéd, VI. ii. 2, p. 
173 

Certonus, perhaps this should be 
Cytonium, Azad. VIL. vill, 8, p. 238 
and note 1 

Chalcedon, or Calchedon, Azad. VII. 
i. 20, p. 199; VII. ii. 24-26, p. 206 

Chalcedonia, or more properly Cal- 
chedonia, Azad. VI. vi. 38, p. 195 

Chaldaean mercenaries, Azad. 1V. iii. 
Ay Ps LOS a envio Je7 yp part 4 Onsale 
Vill. 25, Pp. 240 note 

Chalus, the river, Azad. I. iv. 9, p. 15 

Chalybes, the Armenian, Azad. IV. 
Ve 34) Da busiy) Vile vill 2h paee4O 
note; mercenaries of Tiribazus, IV. 
iv. 18, p. 112; encounter Hellenes, 
IV. vi. 5, p. 119; their bravery and 
dress, IV. vii. 15, p. 124; a differ- 
ent tribe, subject to the Mossynoe- 
Clans; Vo Val. paw4o 

Charmande, city on the Euphrates, 
Anab, I. v. 10, p. 19 

Charminus, a lLacedaemonian, an 
agent of Thibron, Azad, VII. vi. 1, 
p. 2225, VIL, vi39) p. 228 

Cheirisophus, the Lacedaemonian, 
joins Cyrus with seven hundred 


INDEX 


hoplites, Azad. I. iv. 3, p. 13; sent 
by Clearchus to Ariaeus, II. i. 5, p. 
40; and Xenophon, III. i. 45, p. 
7Acn na Dcqee Lives 8 
fol Sp. Orioles Ll wena, sp, O3 
foll,; IV. i.-iii. passtm, p» 97 foll. ; 
IV. v. 9, p. 114; addresses the 
new generals, III. ii. 2 foll., p. 74 
foll. ; and Mithridates, III. iii. 3, p. 
82 foll.; sole ground of difference 
between, and Xenophon, IV. vi. 1 
foll., p. 118 foll.; raillery between, 
and Xenophon about stealing, IV. 
vi, 16, p. 120; storms a Taochian 
fortress, IV. vii. 2 foll., p. 122 foll.; 
IV. vili. 16, p. 129; at Trapezus, 
proposes to go and get vessels from 
Anaxibius, and is sent, V. i. 4 foll., 
p. 132 foll.; delay in returning, V. 
ili. x foll., p. 139 foll.; represented 
by Neon at Cerasus, V. iii. 4, p. 
I40; rejoins army at Sinope with a 
single ship, VI. i. 16, p. 169; chosen 
sole commander, VI. i. 32, p. 172; 
deprived of sole command within 
less than a week, VI. ii. 12, p. 1753 
marches with one division from 
Heraclea, VI. ii. 18, p. 176; reaches 
Calpe Haven, VI. iii. 10, p. 178; 
dies, VI. iv. 11, p. 182 
Chersonese, the Thracian, Azad. I. i. 
Ops cele Vine peO7- Gav V1. 25, 
py E54. VTi. 03, Pp. LOS 
Chrysopolis, in Chalcedonia, Azad. 


WATS pts ASS, Goh cho A ea peuetcrs yoy 
TOSS VI e, ps LOG 

Cilicia, Azad. \. il.21, p. 8; I. iv. 4; 
p- 14 


Cleaenetus, a captain, killed in a foray 
near Trapezus, Azad. V. i. 17, Pp. 


£35 


Cleagoras, a painter? father of Eu- | 


cleides, Anvad. VII. villi. 1, p. 237 
Cleander, Laconian governor of By- 
zantium, Anad. VI, iv. 18, p. 183; 
arrives at Calpe, VI. vi. 5, p. 190 
foll.; his friendship with Xenophon, 
VI. vi. 35, p. 194; kindly disposi- 
tion to the army, VI. vi. 36, p. 195; 
Xenophon and, at Byzantium, VII. 
i. 8 foll., p. 197 foll.; his conduct 
contrasted with that of his suc- 


245 


cessor Aristarchus, VII. ii. 5 foll., 
p- 203 

Cleanor, the Arcadian, of Orchomenus, 
the senior general, Azad. II. i. ro, 
p. 41; inveighs against Ariaeus, II. 
Vv. 39, p. 60; appointed general in 
place of Agias, III. i. 47, p. 74; 
his speech in the council of war, III. 
ll. 4, p. 75; commands the Arca- 
dian heavy infantry, IV. viii. 18, p. 
129; Xenophon requests him to 
superintend sacrifice, VI. iv. 22, p. 
184; in favour of joining Seuthes, 
VII. ii. 2, p. 202; his loyalty to 
Xenophon, VII. v. ro, p. 221 

Clearchus, in exile, associated with 
Cyrus; Anat. Is i. 9, ps 2 3) joins 
Cyrus with a large force, I. ii. 9, p. 
5; commands Hellenic left in the 
review at Tyriaeum, I. ii. 15, p. 7; 
tries to force his men to continue 
the march, I. ili. 2, p. 9; sentences 
one of Menon’s men to be flogged, 
and the consequence, I. v. 12, p. 
Ig; invited by Cyrus to assist at 
the trial of Orontas, I. vi. 5, p. 21; 
commands the right in the mid- 
night review of the army, I. vii. 1, p. 
235 in the battle, Te vill Ay pe7s 
Cyrus and, as to a question of tac- 
tics, 1, Vill 19) Pp. 285) conduct 
during the battle, I. x. 5 foll., p. 36 
foll.; message of, to Ariaeus, II, i. 
4, p. 40; his answer to heralds 
from: the? kine, Ji io, pala; 
leadership tacitly accepted, II. ii. 5, 
p- 44; his energy and generalship, 
Ii. iii, 11, p. 48; his interview 
with Tissaphernes, II. v. 1-25, pp. 
55-59; is entrapped by ‘Tissa- 
phernes, II. v. 31, p. 59; his death, 
II. vi. 1, p. 61; his character, II. 
vi. 1-16, pp. 61, 62; alone in 
Cynsismsecret a Ll pel ec Own OO 
his horses, III. iii. 19, p. 85; his 
campaigns in the Aeolid, etc., V. 


vi. 24, p. 154 

Clearetus, a captain, Anad. V. Vii. 
I4-16, p. 159 

Cleonymus, the Laconian, Anaéd, IV. 
1. 18, p. 99 


| Coeratadas, the Boeotian general, of 


246 


Thebes, Azad. VII. i. 
2ot foll. 

Coetians, Anad. VII. viii. 25, p. 240 
note 

Colchians, the, Azad. IV. viii. 9, p. 
127; LV. vill. 22; p..1305 Va vile, 
p. 157; VII. viii. 25, p. 240 note 

Colchis, Azad. IV. viii. 23, p. 130; 
Vitis 2; p: 139 

Colossae, a city of Phrygia, Avad. I. 
ii, 6, p. 4 

Comania, Assyrian heavy infantry 
from, Azad, VII. vill. 15, p. 239 

Corylas, the chief of Paphlagonia, 
Anab, V. Vv. 12-22, pp. 148, 149 ; 
Vaio tty pas cis Vlei pelos 
VII. viii. 25, p. 240 note 

Cotyora, a Hellenic city, colony of 
Sinope, in the territory of the Tibar- 
enians, Anad. V. v. 3 foll., p. 147 
foll. 

Cretans, archers, Azad. I. ii. 9, p. 5; 
their range in shooting, III. iii. 7, 
p. 83; 2d. 15, p. 84; of great ser- 
vice, IV. ji-28; p. 105; IV. in. 29, 
p. 109; at Trapezus compete for 
the long race, IV. viii. 27, p. 130 

Ctesias, the surgeon, heals Artaxerxes’ 
wound, Azad. I. vili. 26, p. 30 and 
note; his testimony quoted, 7d. 27, 
p. 30 foll. 

Cydnus, a river flowing through the 
city of Tarsus in Cilicia, Anad. I. 
11 23a DO 

Cyniscus, Azad. VII. i. 13, p. 198 

Cyreian camp, during the battle plun- 
dered by the king, Azad. I. x. 1, p. 
35; the Cyreian army, z.e. Cyrus’s 
Hellenic force, Pharnabazus trans- 
acts with Aristarchus concerning, 
WANE Ws GA 10s Hele 

Cyrus (the younger), accompanied by 
a body of Hellenes, Azad. 1. i. 2, 
p- 1; imprisoned by Artaxerxes on 
the accusation of Tissaphernes, 2d. 
3, p. I; liberated at the intercession 
of his mother Parysatis, returns to 
his province and secretly collects 
forces to dethrone and attack Arta- 
xerxes, 20. 6 foll., p. 2 foll.; begins 
his march from Sardis, I. ii. 5, p. 
4; and Epyaxa, zd. 12, p. 6; and 


33 foll., p. 


INDEX 


Clearchus, I. iii. 1 foll., p. 9 foll.; 
joined by his fleet, I. iv. 28, p. 13; 
Xenias and Pasion desert, at Myri- 
andus, 74. 8, p. 14; at Thapsacus 
announces his designs, 20. 11, p. 16; 
miraculous passage of Euphrates 
by, 22. 17, p. 17; intervenes be- 
tween Menon and Clearchus, I. v. 
15 foll., p. 20; and Orontas, I. vi. 
1 foll., p. 21 foll.; preparations for 
battle, I: vii. x folli; p. 2g5and 
Gaulites, 74. 5, p. 24; and Silanus, 
76. 18, p. 26; goes into battle un- 
helmeted, I. viii. 6, p. 27; and 
Xenophon, 74. 15, p. 28; slays 
Artagerses, 26. 24, p. 30; wounds 
Artaxerxes, 2d. 26, p. 30; is slain, 
26. 27, p. 31; his body mutilated, 
I. X:02;, p35); his character miceix: 
1 foll., p. 31 foll. 

Cyrus, the elder, Azad. I. ix. 1, p. 31 

Cytonium, see Certonus, Azad, VIL. 
vill. 8, p. 238 zo¢e 

Cyzicus, Anaxibius and Aristarchus at, 
Anaé, VII. ii. 5, p. 203 


Damaratus, the Laconian, a descend- 
ant of Procles, Anad. II. i. 3, p. 39; 
VDT Valin 7p e239 

Dana, or Tyana, a city of Cappadocia, 
Anab. \. il. 20, p. 7 

Daphnagoras, Anad. VII. viii. 9, p. 
238 

Dardas, the river, Azad, I. iv. 10, p. 
15 

Darius, Azad. I. i. 1, p. 2 

Delphi, Xenophon consults Apollo at, 
Anab. III. i. 5, p. 68; Athenian 
treasury at, V. ili. 5, p. 140; Zeus, 
the King, named in the oracle given 
to Xenophon at, VI. i. 2, p. 170 

Delta of Thrace, Azad. VII. i. 33, p- 
201 and note; VII. v. 1, p. 220 

Democrates, a Temenite, Azad, LV. 
iv. I5, p. 112 and nore 

Dercylidas, the Laconian, Anab. V. 
Vin 245) psak5 5 

Dernes, governor of Phoenicia and 
Arabia, Anad, VII. viii. 25, p. 240 
note 

Dexippus, a Laconian, his treacherous 
departure from Trapezus, meddling 


INDEX 


in Thrace, and subsequent death, 
Anab, V. i. 15, p. 134; how he 
traduced Xenophon to Anaxibius, 
VI. i. 32, p. 172; and the soldiers 
at Calpe, VI. vi. 5 foll., p. 190; 
and Agasias, VI. vi. 22, p. 193 

Dolopes, the, a Thessalian tribe, Azad. 
TMNalGOs D5 

Dracontius, a Spartan, presides over 
the games at Trapezus, Avad. IV. 
viii. 25, p. 130; sent by Xenophon 
with deputation to Cleander, VI. vi. 
39, P. 194 

Drilae, the, a hill tribe, near Trapezus, 
AUG. Vie Me Esp. £35 


Ecbatana, capital of Media, Azad, II, 
AVE Gy Poeo4 calle. a '5,6D: 1015 
Enyalius, the god of battle, Azad. I. 
Vill POs 205 Vale awe) £37, 
Ephesus, Azad. I. iv. 2, p. 13; II. ii. 
6, p. 44 mote; the temple and statue 
at, V. iit. 8 foll., p. 141; an in- 
cident which befell Xenophon when 
setting out from, VI. i. 23, p. 171 

Episthenes, of Amphipolis, in com- 
mand of the peltasts, Azad. I. x. 7, 
p. 36; the Armenian headman’s 
son entrusted to him, IV. vi. 1, p. 
118; takes the boy home with him, 
IBY Soe 2h ioeae mre) 

Episthenes, of Olynthus, Azad. VII. 
Venger 207, ; 

Epyaxa, wife of Syennesis, king of the 
Cilicians, Anad. I. ii. 12, p. 6 

Eteonicus, a Lacedaemonian, at By- 
zantium, Anad, VII. i. 12, p. 197; 
WAUES Key, yaks ours) 

Eucleides, the soothsayer, a Phliasian, 
meets Xenophon, Azad. VII. viil. 
I, P. 237 

Euphrates, the river, Azad. I. iv. 11, 
DarLGin CO ub ep: LO tl 75 Dr LF 5 
INES AiG yy joy aie} 

Eurylochus of Lusia, an Arcadian 
hoplite protects Xenophon with his 
shield, Azad. IV. ii. 21, p. 104; his 
valour in storming a Taochian for- 
tress, IV. vii. rz foll., p. 123; sent 
to Anaxibius, VII. i. 32, p. 200; 
agrees with Xenophon in demanding 
pay from Seuthes, VII. vi. 40, p. 228 


247 


| Eurymachus, a Dardanian, Anad. V. 


Ving 2i pps o A 


Ganos, a Thracian fortress, Anad. 
VII. v. 8, p. 220 and zote 

Gates, the, of Babylonia, Amaé. I. v. 
Sp: 10 

Gates, the, of Cilicia and Syria, Azad. 
leave as pe 14 

Gaulites, a Samian exile, a friend of 
Cyrus, Azad. I. vii. 5, p. 24 

Glus, one of Cyrus’s officers, Anad. I. 
We LO, Dsatyee ae Ve Gy Ds Los) son 
of Lanies, II. 1. 3, ‘p: 394——an= 
nounces the death of Cyrus, II. iv. 
24, P- 54 

Gnesippus, an Athenian, his after- 
dinner speech, Azad, VII. iii. 28, p. 
213 

Gobryas, one of Artaxerxes’ generals, 
Anab, I. vil. 12, p. 25 

Gongylus, Eretrians, father and son, 
Anab. VII. viil. 8, p. 238; the son’s 
part in the capture of Asidates, 7d. 
17, P- 239 

Gorgias, of Leontini, Azad, II. vi. 16, 
p. 163 and ote 2 

Gorgion, son of Hellas and Gongylus, 
Anab, VII, viii. 8, p. 238 

Gymnias, a city, perhaps at no great 
distance from Baibut, Azad. IV. 
vii. 19, p. 125 and nofe 1 


Halisarna, Anad. VII. viii. 17, p. 239 

Halys, the river, Anzad. V. vi. 9, p. 
Resi lel, els 

Harmene, a port near Sinope, Azad. 
VI. i. 15, p. 169 foll., and xofe 3 

Harpasus, the river, Azad. IV. vii. 
18, p. 124 

Hecatonymus, ambassador from Sin- 
ope, Azad. V. v. 7, p. 147; 20. 20, 
DiaLAG Ve. 3) De k5O 

Hegesander, an Arcadian, Azad. VI, 
Ieee 7) 

Helios, Anad. IV. v. 35, p. 118. 
Sun 

Hellas, Azad. I. ii. 8, p. 5; Il. iv. 
ey, One. Wann tity on WUCtey Sun 
22, ps D545 20, 33, Pp» 1505 Ne vil. 
Oh 19s NSS As Ay Jor Abys) 


See 


248 INDEX 


Hellas, the wife of Gongylus, Azad. 
WIT avis, 1p 239 

Hellenes, numbers of, with Cyrus, 
Anab, I. ii. 9 foll., p. 5 foll.; I. vii. 
Io, p. 25; their reluctance to go 
against Artaxerxes, I. iii. 1, p. 9; 
I. iv. 12, p. 16; position of, and 
achievements in the battle, I. viii. 2 
foll., p. 27 foll.; gallantry of, left 
to guard the camp, I. x. 3 foll., p. 
35 foll.; second victory of the, 2d. 
4 foll., p. 36 foll.; return to camp, 
76. 17, p. 38; learn that Cyrus is 
dead, II. i, 4 foll., p. go foll.; re- 
ceive a summons from the king, 26. 
7 foll., p. 40 foll.; rejoin Ariaeus, 
II. il. 8, p. 44; panic in the camp 
of, 22. 19, p. 46; receive new pro- 
posals from the king, II. iii. x foll., 
p. 46 foll.; and Tissaphernes, 2d. 
17 foll., p. 49 foll. ; suspicions of 
the, against Ariaeus, II. iv. x foll., 
p- 50 foll.; march and encamp apart 
from Tissaphernes and Ariaeus, 2d. 
8 foll., p. 52; reach and cross 
Tigris, 2. 13 foll., p. 52 foll.; atthe 
Zapatas their generals are treacher- 
ously slain by Tissaphernes ; indig- 
nant interview of the, with Ariaeus, 
II. v. 32 foll., p. 59 foll.; in deep 
perplexity, III. i. 1, p. 67; choose 
new generals, 2. 47, p. 74; holda 
general meeting, and adopt Xeno- 
phon’s resolutions, III. ii. 1 foll., p. 
74 foll.; cross the Zapatas, III. iii. 
6, p. 83; sufferings of their rear- 
guard, 7d. 7, p. 83; enrol slingers 
and cavalry, 24. 20, p. 85; after an 
encounter with Mithridates reach 
Larissa on the Tigris, III. iv. 3 foll., 
p. 86; skirmish successfully with 
Tissaphernes, 76. 15 foll., p. 87 
foll.; discover and remedy defect of 
marching in a square with enemy 
behind, 24, 19 foll., p. 88 foll. ; 
their difficulties in hilly ground, 7d. 
25 foll., p. 89 foll.; appoint eight 
surgeons, 24, 30, p. 90; outmarch 
the Persians, 2. 34, p. 91; dis- 
lodge the enemy from a mountain 
spur, 20. 44 foll., p. 92 foll.; de- 
spondency of the, in the plain of the 


Tigris, and at burning of villages 
by enemy, III. v. 1 foll., p. 93 
foll. ; retrace steps towards Babylon 
to unburnt villages, 2d. 13, p. 95; 
cross a pass and descend into Car- 
duchia, IV. i. 7, p. 98; hard fight- 
ing of the, in Carduchia during 
seven days, 24. 11, p. 99 foll.; use 
Carduchian arrow» as javelins, IV. 
ii. 28, p. 105; recruit themselves in 
villages above the Centrites, IV. iii. 
I, p. 105; difficulty in crossing the 
Centrites, and despondency of the, 
2. 5, p. 105 foll.; effect the passage, 
26, 31 foll., p. 110; march through 
plain of Western Armenia to the 
Teleboas, meet and make a treaty 
with Tiribazus the governor, IV, 
iv. 1 foll., p. 110 foll.; their suffer- 
ings from snow and cold, 74. r1 
foll., p. xxx foll. ; out-manceuvre 
Tiribazus and capture his camp, 2d. 
15 foll., p. 112 foll.; ford Euphrates; 
march through snow; sacrifice to 
Boreas, IV. v. x foll., p. 113 foll. ; 
extreme misery of the, from cold and 
hunger, 2d, 5 foll., p. 114 foll.; rest 
in good village quarters, 24. 22 foll., 
p. r16 foll.; after a week’s rest 
march onwards; their guide runs 
away, IV. vi. 1 foll., p. 118 foll. ; 
cross Phasis (Pasin-Su); encounter 
Chalybes, Taochians, Phasians on 
a pass, 2. 5, foll., :p: 1193 atoree 
the pass by a flank march, 2d. 22 
foll., p. 121 foll.; storm a Taochian 
fortress, IV. vii. 1 foll., p. r22 foll.; 
march through the Chalybes; reach 
the Harpasus ; march through the 
Scythenians, 7d. 15 foll., p. 124; 
reach Gymnias ; catch sight of the 
sea from Mount Theches; their 
delight, IV. vii. 9 foll., p. 125 foll.; 
dismiss the guide, 7b. 27, p. 126 ; 
march through country of the Ma- 
crones, with whom they exchange 
pledges, IV. viii. 1 foll., p. 126 foll. ; 
encounter the Colchians; storm 
their position by columns of sec- 
tions, 22. 9 foll., “~p, x27) folly; 
suffer from poisonous honey, 74. 19 
foll,, p, 129; reach Trapezus ; pay 


INDEX 


their vows ; celebrate games, 73, 22 
foll., p. 130 foll. ; desire to reach 
Hellas without further trouble, V. 
i. r foll., p. 132; send Cheirisophus 
to Byzantium for vessels; plans and 
occupation of the, meanwhile, 2d. 4 
foll., p. 133 foll.; attack the Drilae 
and capture provisions, V. ii. z foll., 
p- 135 foll.; reach Cerasus, partly by 
sea, partly by land, V. iii. x foll., p. 
139 ; divide money realised by sale 
of captives, 70. 4, p. I40; continue 
march, again by sea and land, from 
Cerasus through the territory of the 
Mossynoecians, V. iv. 1 foll., p. 
142; reach the Chalybes; through 
the territory of the Tibarenians to 
Cotyora, V. v. 1 foll., p. 146 foll.; 
halt forty-five days; do sacrifice; 
their tribal processions and gym- 
nastic contests, zd. 5 foll., p. 147; 
receive ambassadors from Sinope, 
w=-7 foll.,-p. 247 foll. ; vote in 
favour of continuing journey by sea; 
send three ambassadors to Sinope 
for vessels, V. vi. 11 foll., p. 152; 
how they viewed certain colonisation 
schemes, 26. 17 foll., p. 153 foll.; 
hold indignation meetings; con- 
vened in general assembly, hear 
Xenophon’s defence and protest in 
reference to certain late excesses at 
Cerasus, V, vii. 1 foll., p. 157 foll.; 
pass resolutions to maintain dis- 
cipline; make purification, 24. 34 
foll., p. 162; their generals submit 
to a judicial examination, V. viii. 
1 foll., p. 162 foll.; and Paphla- 
gonians, VI. i. x foll., p. 167 foll. ; 
pass by sea to Sinope; mooring in 
the harbour of Harmene, 2d. 14, p. 
169; disappointment of the, at return 
of Cheirisophus with a single ship, 
70. 15, p. 169; resolve to appoint 
a single general ; Xenophon declin- 
ing, appoint Cheirisophus, 2d. 17 
foll., p. 170 foll.; voyage to Heraclea, 
Witaiie x toll.) py 173 toll; deter- 
mine to extort money from the 
Heracleots, but fail in the attempt, 
76. 4, p. 174 foll.; dissatisfaction 


among, they split into three divi- | 


249 


sions, 26. 9 foll., p. 174 foll. ; after 
various fortune, reunite at Calpe, 20: 
EO WD NLS heel ED AaESOr 
desire to return home; averse to 
camping on ground suitable for a 
city, 724. 7, p. 181; march out for 
provisions and to bury their dead, 
7. 9 foll., p. 18x foll. ; reappoint 
old board of generals, 74. 10, p. 
182; their distress for provisions 
and inability to move in the face of 
unfavourable sacrifices, zd. 12 foll., 
p- 182 foll. ; a catastrophe which 
befell them during this-deadlock, 2d. 
23 foll., p. 184; after a night 
attack of the Bithynians, follow the 
generals into the natural fastness, 
which they fortify, VI. v. x foll., p. 
184 foll.; sacrifices favourable; re- 
taliation and victory ofthe, over Phar- 
nabazus’ cavalry and the Bithynians, 
20, 2-32, pp. 185-189; organisation 
of the, whilst awaiting Cleander, VI. 
vi. r foll., p. 189 foll.; and Clean- 
der, in the matter of Dexippus and 
Agasias, 2b. 5-37, pp. 190-195; 
after capturing much booty in Bi- 
thynia, reach Chrysopolis and dis- 
pose of booty by sale, zd. 38, p. 195; 
cross to Byzantium, VII. i. 7, p. 
197; and Anaxibius, 7d, 13 foll., p. 
197 foll.; threaten to seize Byzan- 
tium, 76. 15 foll., p. 198 foll.; in 
conclave, pacified by Xenophon ; 
revert to discipline, 2d. 22 foll., p. 
199; and Coeratadas, 2d. 33 foll., 
p. 201; and Aristarchus, VII. ii. 
6, p. 203; proceed to Perinthus, 2d, 
II, p. 204 and ote; hindered by 
Aristarchus ; accept service under 
Seuthes, 24. 12—VII. iii. 14, pp. 
204-210; the generals and captains 
of the, at a royal entertainment, zd. 
15 foll., p. 210 foll.; Thracian cam- 
paign of the, with Seuthes ; conquer 
the Thynians, 2d. 33—VII. iv. 24, 
pp. 214-219; and Heracleides, VII. 
vy. 1, p. 220 foll. ; reach Salmydessus, 
76, 12 foll., p. 221; get into quarters 
above Selybria, 70. 15, p. 222; and 
two Laconian agents from Thibron, 
VII. vi. z foll., p. 222 foll.; and 


250 


Medosades, touching certain vil- 
lages, VII. vii. 1 foll., p. 229 foll.; 
cross to Lampsacus, VII. viii. 1, 
p. 236; march through the Troad 
to Pergamus, 2d. 8, p. 237 foll.; 
incorporated with the rest of Thib- 
ron’s Hellenic forces, zé. 26, p. 240 

Heraclea Pontica, Anadb. V. vi. 10, 
p. 152; Hellenic city, colony of the 
Megarians, VI. ii. x, p. 173; dis- 
tance of, from Byzantium, VI. iv. 2, 
p-180; and often 

Heracleides, of Maronea, 4zaéd. VII. 
iii, 16, p. 211; sent by Seuthes to 
Perinthus to dispose of booty, VII. 
iv. 2, p, 216; returns with proceeds 
of spoil, VII. v. 5, p. 220; calum- 
niates Xenophon, etc., 2d. 6 foll., p. 
220 foll.; a Hellene, VII. vi. 41, p. 
228 ; Xenophon’s criticism of, VII. 
vii. 35 foll., p. 233 foll. 

Heracleots, the, traders, Anad. V. vi. 
19, p. 153; the Arcadians get ves- 
sels from the, VI. ii. 19, p. 176 

Heracles, the thank-offerings to, Aad, 
IV. viii. 24, p. 130 and xote 3; 
Xenophon consults, VI. ii. 15, p. 
175; ‘‘Zeus the Saviour, Heracles 
our Guide,” used as watchword, VI. 
v. 25, p. 188; where he descended 
to bring up Cerberus, VI. ii. 2, p. 
173 

Hesperites, the, Azad, VII. viii. 25, 
Pp. 240 nole 2 

Hieronymus, the Eleian, eldest of 
Proxenus’s captains, Amaéd. III. i. 
B45 p72, Vive gop. 182%) sent 
to Anaxibius as the bearer of a re- 
solution, VIT. i. 32, p. 200 

Hieronymus, an Euodean, Azad. VII. 
iv. 18, p. 219 and xofe 1 

Hyrcanian cavalry, Azad, VIL. viii. 15, 
Pp. 239 ole 


Iconium, city of Phrygia, Azad, I, ii. 
19, Pp. 7 

Ida, Mount, Azad. 
237 

Tonia, Azad. 1, 6, p: 25 Ia. 22, p. 
Sil ivaetsps 10s let. 3, pasos 
Il. 11.96) p44 70te 1% 
P. 95 


WAN, Natt, Ay 15 


IQUE A Z3 Baise) 


INDEX 


Iris, river, Anad. V. vi. 9, p. 151; VI. 
iy iy | 187/33 

Issi, city of Cilicia, Avad. I. ii, 24, p. 
SH sive Ep ans 

Itabelius, relieves Asidates, Aza, VII. 
vill. 15, p. 239 


Jason’s beach, dad, VI. ii. 1, p. 173 


Lacedaemon, Azad. V. ili. 11, p. 141 

Lacedaemonians, the, and Thracians, 
Anab. Il. vi. 2, p. 6x ; “ithespeers 
of,” taught stealing as boys, IV. vi. 
15, p. 120; persistent effort of, to 
win the ‘‘leadership’’ throughout 
thetwar, VI. 27; (peaze i eare 
the lords of Hellas,” VI. vi. 12, p. 
191; the power of the, ubiquitous, 
VII. i. 28, p. 200 

Laconian dagger, Anad. IV. vil. 16, 
p- 124 

Lampsacus, Azad, VII. viii. 1, p. 236; 
70. 6, Ps 237 ; 

Larissa, on the Tigris, Azad, ILI. iv. 
7, p. 86 and zote 2 

Lotus-eaters, the, Azad. III. il. 25, p. 
79 note 3 

Lycaea, the, an Arcadian festival, 
Anabé, I. ii. 10, p. 6 and note 1 

Lycaonia, Anaé. I. ii. 19, p. 7; VIL 
Vill. 25, p. 240 note 1 

Lycaonians, Aad. III. ii. 
and zote 1 

Lyceum, the gymnasium at Athens, 
wad. Vl. Vill, x, D237, 

Lycius, son of Polystratus,ean Athen- 
ian, commandant of cavalry, Anadé. 
TLD. iii, 20, p:'85 5 LV. ail ee sep: 
108); 20. 24, Pp. L09)3) LVeeyiemere 
p. 125 

Lycius, of Syracuse, Anad. I, x. 14, 
Pp. 37 

Lycon, an Achaean, Anad, V. vi. 27, 
D.1055 5) Vins 4y pset7 cin alenle 
7 AO pa aa 

Lycus, the river, Anad. VI. ii. 
173 

Lydia, Azad. i. i 6, 4 alee 
p. 32; [lw ts; 9p. os ville 
20, p. 240 

Lydian, Apollonides’s ears bored like 
a, Anab. Ill. i, 31, p. 72 


23, DP» 79 


ome 


INDEX 


Lydian market, the, Cyrus’s Asiatic 
army, Anad. I. v. 6, p. 18 


Macistian, Silanus a, Anad. VII. iv. 
16, p. 218 

Macrones, the, their territory and 
arms; exchange pledges with the 
Hellenes, 4nad. IV. viii. x foll., p. 
126 foll.; their conduct contrasted 
with that of the Cotyorites, V. v. 
18, p. 148; VII. viii. 25, p. 240 
note 

Maeander, the river, Anmad. I. ii. 5 
foll., p. 4 foll. 

Maesades, the father of Seuthes, Azad, 
Wii i -92;aps207 5) Vil. ve °2,-p. 
220 

Magnesians, the, dance the Carpaea, 
Anaé, VI. i. 7, p. 168 and note 2 

Mantineans, the, dance the ‘‘warriors’ 
march,” Azad. VI. i. 11, p. 168 
and note 4 

Mardian mercenaries of Orontas, 
Anab. IV. iii. 4, p. 105 

Mariandynians, Azad. VI. ii. 1, p. 
173 

Maronea, Heracleides of, Anad. VII. 
iii. 16, p. 211 

Marsyas, the river, sources near 
Celaenae, tributary of Maeander, 
here Apollo flayed Marsyas, Azad. 
Pits (85 35 

Mascas, the river, Anad. I. v. 4, p. 
16 

Medea, wife of the king of the Medes, 
Ana, III. iv. 11, p. 87 and ole 1 

Medes, revolt of, from Darius, Anad. 
III. iv. 8 foll., p. 86 foll. 

Media; A706, II. iv. 27, p: 55% LIT. 
V, 15, peO5 5 walltof, T.iwai. 15, ‘p. 
25 and ote 2; II. iv. 12, p. 52 

Median and Persian women, their 
beauty, Anadé. III. ii. 25, p. 79 

Medocus, king of the Odrysians, Azad. 
Wil 32,"p.2o7; VIlaiie 16) p. 
On VeVillaviles) Pee2oe 20, Tl, p: 
230 


Medosades, an agent of Seuthes, 
Anab. Vil. i. 5, p.-196;- sent a 
second time, VII. ii. 10-24, pp. 


204-206; and Xenophon, VII. vii. 
I foll., p. 229 foll. 


251 


Megabyzus, sacristan of the goddess 
Artemis at Ephesus, Azad. V. iii. 
6, p. 140; restores Xenophon his 
deposit, V. iii. 7, p. 141 

Megaphernes, a Persian nobleman, a 
wearer of the royal purple, put to 
death by Cyrus, Azad. I. ii. 20, 


P. 7 

Melanditae, the, Azad. VII. ii. 32, p. 
207 

Melinophagi, the, or millet - eating 
Thracians, Azad, VII. v. 12, p. 
221 

Menon, the Thessalian, joins Cyrus 
with one thousand hoplites and 
five hundred peltasts, Azad. I. ii. 
6, p. 5; in command of the right 
at Tyriaeum, 24. 15, p. 7; sent to 
escort Epyaxa into Cilicia, 74. 20, 
p. 7; two of his companies lost, 20, 
25, p. 8; his troops crossing the 
Euphrates first, is rewarded by 
Cyrus, I. iv. 13 foll., p. 16 foll.; dis- 
pute between his soldiers and those 
of ‘Clearchus) 1) v.10, p. 19 foll.; 
commands the Hellenic left wing at 
midnight review, I. vii. 1, p. 23; 
and in the battle, I. viii. 4, p. 27; 
sent by Clearchus to Ariaeus, his 
friend, II. i. 5, p. 40; stays behind 
with Ariaeus, II. ii. 1, p. -43; 
suspected of slander by Clearchus, 
II, v. 28, p. 59; arrested with the 
others by Tissaphernes, 22. 31, p. 
59 foll.; his character, II, vi. a1 
foll., p. 64; dies the death of a 
felon, 2d. 29, p. 66 

Mespila, the city, Azad, III. iv. 10-12, 
p. 86 xotre 4 

Midas, spring of, the king of Phrygia, 
Anab, I. ii. 13, p. 6 

Milesian, the, concubine of Cyrus, her 
escape, Anad, I. x. 3, Pp. 35 

Miletus, besieged by Cyrus, Azad. I. 
i. 7 foll., p. 2; Tamos's blockading 
squadron from, I. iv. 2, p. 13 ; why 
men of, did not choose Cyrus, I. ix. 
97 P32, 

Miltocythes, the Thracian, deserts to 
the king, Azad, II. il. 7, p. 44 
Mithridates (or Mithradates, Hug, 

with C.), a friend of Cyrus, Anad. 


252 


LIS ive 35) (py Gol eaddtessesm the 
generals, III. in. x foll., p. 82; 
appears again, 24. 6, p. 83; ap- 
pears for the last time, III. iv. 2 
foll., p. 85 foll.; governor of Lyca- 
onia and Cappadocia, VII. viii. 25, 
Pp. 240 note 

Mossynoecians, Hellenes reach the ; 
confer with chiefs of, Azad. V. iv. 2 
foll., p. 142 mote 1; their order of 
battle and arms, 2d. 11, p. 143; 
the high citadel of, 7. 15, p. 143; 
their king burnt in his mossyn, 2d, 
26, p. 145; their strange customs, 
zb. 30 foll., p. 146; Chalybes sub- 
ject to, V. v. 1, p. 146; an inde- 
pendent tribe, VII. vili. 25, p. 240 
note 

Myriandus, a sea-coast city of Phoe- 
nicia, Azad. I. iv. 6, p. 4 

Mysia, Azad. VII. viii. 8, p. 238 

Mysians, the, and Orontas, Azad. I. 
vi. 7, p. 22; Pisidians and, I. ix. 
4, Pp: 33); the, Pisidians, and. 
Egyptians a source of trouble to 
Rersiay leave co folly papas 7amethe, 
Pisidians, and Lycaonians main- 
tain their independence against the 
king, III. ii. 23, p. 79 zofe 1; their 
dance, VI. i. g foll., p. 168 foll. 

Mysus, a Mysian, his ambuscade, 
Anab, V. ii. 29, p. 139 


Nausicleides, and Bion, Anab. VII. 
vill. 6, p. 237 

Neon, the Asinaean, acts for Cheiri- 
sophus during his absence, A7aé, V. 
vi. 36, p. 156; tells tales against 
XENOPNON Vip Vile Ly Dames 7a meat 
the division of the army, advises 
separate action, VI. li, 13, p. 175; 
succeeds Cheirisophus, VI. iv. 11, 
p. 182; at Calpe, rashly leads out 
a pillaging party and loses five 
hundred men, 2d, 23 foll., p. 184; 
left to guard the camp, VI. v. 4, 
p. 185; aspires to command the 
whole army, VII. ii. 2 foll., p. 202; 
encamps apart at Perinthus, 24. 11, 
p. 204; and holds aloof from the 
other generals, 7+. 17, p. 205; 20. 


29, p. 207; VII, iii, 2, p. 208 ; | 


INDEX 


plays into the hands of Aristarchus, 
17 Da ZOO 

Neontichos, a Thracian fortress pro- 
mised by Seuthes, with Bisanthe 
and Ganos, to Xenophon, Azad. 
VII. v. 8, p. 220 note 

Nicander, a Lacedaemonian, puts 
Dexippus to death, Azad. V. i. 15, 


Pp. 134 


Nicarchus, the Arcadian, how he came 


riding into camp after the arrest of 
the generals, Azad. II. v. 33, p. 60; 
(the same, or another) Arcadian 
officer, deserts to the Persians with 
twenty men, III. ili. 5, p. 83 


Nicomachus, the Oetaean, in command 


of light infantry, his prowess as a 
volunteer, Azad. IV. vi. 20, p. 121 


Odrysians, the, a Thracian tribe, and 


the Athenians related, Anad. VII. 
li. 32, p. 207 and zote; Medocus, 
king of the, Wil. iil) 16;"pyure 
join Seuthes in his campaign, VII. 
iv. 21, p. 219; the, flock down to 
join Seuthes, VII. v. 15, p. 222; 
Teres, an ancient hero of the, 2d. 1, 
p. 220; a young man of the, with 
Medosades, VII. vii. 1 foll., p. 229 
foll. 


Odysseus, ‘‘ stretched out in sleep,” 


like, Azad. V. i. 2, p. 132 


Oetaean, Nicomachus the, Azad. IV. 


vi. 20, p. 121 


Olympia, Scillus lies on the road to, 


Anab. V. iii. 7, p. 141; Temple of 
Zeus in, 2d. 11, p. 141 


Olynthians, in service of Menon, Azad. 


l. ii. 6, p. 5 


Ophrynium, a town in the Troad, 


Anab, VII. viii. 5, p. 237 


Opis, a large city on the river Physcus, 


Anad, Il. iv. 25, p. 54 


Orontas, a Persian of the royal family, 


his plot against Cyrus; trial and 
death of, Azad, I. vi. 1-10, pp. 2I- 
23; his disloyalty to Cyrus excep- 
tional, I. ix. 29, p. 35 


Orontas, son-in-law of Artaxerxes, ac- 


companies the Greeks with Ariaeus 
and Tissaphernes, Azad. II. iv. 8 
foll, ps 52; Tliverdo) pa Oumnis 


INDEX 253 


force employed against the Hellenes, 
III. iv. 13, p.87; Armenia governed 
by, III. v. 17, p. 96; mercenaries 
belonging to, guard the Centrites, 
iN Sit 450. LOS 


Paphlagonia, Hellenes get in pro- 
visions from, whilst at Cotyora, 
Anab, V. v. 6, p. 147; Sinopeans 
acquainted with, V. vi. 1, p. 150; 
described, 24. 6, p. 151; Corylas, 
the chief of, VI. i. 2, p. 167; VII. 
vill. 25, p. 240 note 

Paphlagonian helmets, Azad. V. ii. 
22, Da 35.58 Ve IV, £356 ps.b43 

Paphlagonians, Corylas and the, Anad, 
V. v. 12, p. 148; ambassadors sent 
by Corylas, VI. i. 2, p. 167; enter- 
tained by the Hellenes, 70. 6 foll., 
p. 168 foll.; a truce between the, 
and the Hellenes, 74, 14, p. 169 

Parium, Anaxibius at, Azad. VII. ii. 
7, p. 203; Xenophon crosses from 
Parium to Selybria, 24. 25, p. 206; 
bringing with him only one boy, 
VII. i. 20, p. 211; Heracleides 
and the ambassadors from, 2d. 16, 
fone aad 

Parthenium, a town in Mysia, Anaé. 
VII. viii. 15, p. 239; Asidates at, 
W227, p> 240 

Parthenius, the river, Azad. V. vi. 9, 
joarere NOIS she, We, yenede7/e) 

Parysatis, wife of Darius, mother of 
Artaxerxes and Cyrus, Anad. I. i. 
i ;peks loves: Cyrus best, 20; 5, p: 
1; helps him in his demands against 
Tissaphernes, 2d. 7, p. 2; villages 
belonging to, as girdle money, I. iv. 
9, p. 15 and mote 1 ; the villages of, 
in Media, delivered over by Tissa- 
phernes to the Hellenes to plunder, 
Minivan 27.5 pa 55 

Pasion, of Megara, joins Cyrus, Azad. 
I. i. 3, p. 4; with Xenias the 
Arcadian deserts Cyrus at Myrian- 
dus, i: iv. -7 folly, p. x4 foll. 

Pategyas, a Persian, on Cyrus’s staff, 
announces advance of the king, 
Anaé, I. viii. I, p. 26 

Peloponnesians, picked bodies of, col- 
lected in Cyrus's cities, Azad, I. i. 


6, p. 2; outrageous that a single 
Athenian should rule (z.e. Arcadians 
and Achaeans), VI. ii. 10, p. 174 

Peltae, a town of Phrygia, Anad. I. 
Neto 0% 16) 

Pergamus, a city in Mysia, Axad, 
WITS Vili 3; os 238 »VIlo vil, 23; 
p. 240 

Perinthus, Azad. II. vi. 2, p. 61; 
Anaxibius bids Xenophon collect the 
Cyreians at, and cross to Asia, VII. 
li. 8, p: 2035; 26: 28, p, 207 > Aris- 
tarchus hinders them crossing from, 
ZO.Lh, p. 2045 Vile vi. 24, p. 2267 
Seuthes sends Heracleides to, to 
dispose of booty, VII. iv. 2, p. 
216 

Persian women, tall and handsome, 
Anab. III. ii. 25, p. 79; slings, IIL. 
lil. 16, p. 85; bows of great size, 
Ill. iv. 17, p. 88; a, army good 
for nothing at night, III. iv. 35, p. 
QI; a, prisoner, IV. iv. 16, p. 112; 
the, dance, VI. i. ro, p. 168 

Persians, the, subdue the Medes, 
Ana. iil. iv. 8, p. 86; III. iv. 11, 
Pp. 87 

Phalinus, a Hellene, a professor of 
tactics, etc., with ‘Tissaphernes, 
Anz Lin is Zap 40s eset) asia 
herald by the king, his language in 
debate, 24. 13 foll., p. 41 foll. - 
retires with the other heralds, II. ii. 
I, Pp. 43 

Pharnabazus, satrapy of, Anad. V. vi. 
24, p. 154; the cavalry of, aid the 
Bithynians to hinder the Hellenes 
from entering Phrygia, VI. iv. 24, 
p. 184 foll.; cavalry of, flee before 
the Hellenes, VI. v. 30, p. 189; 
and Anaxibius, in reference to the 
Cyreians, VII. i. 2, p. 196; and 
Aristarchus ditto, VII. ii. 7, p. 203; 
governor of the Bithynians, VII. 
Vill. 25, p. 240 mole 

Phasians, the Chalybes, Taochians, 
and, hold a pass, but are turned, 
Anab. VV. vi. 5, p. 119; a scheme 
to seize the territory of the, in 
GColenisye Ven vie 86,) Ds 1575) VLE 
Vili. 25, p. 240 note 

Phasis, the river, probably = Paszn Su; 


254 INDEX 


a tributary of the Araxes, Avnad. IV. 
vi. 4, Pp. 119 


Phasis, the river, in Colchis, Azad. ' 


Wei Viens Giloll pep arc7 

Philesius, an Achaean general, chosen 
in place of Menon, Azad. III. i. 47, 
p- 74; and Sophaenetus, as the two 
eldest generals, in charge of those 
sent bysea from Trapezus to Cerasus, 
V. iii. x, p. 139; and Lycon, in 
opposition to Xenophon, V. vi. 27, 
Dabo neds) Vip Milind eps Los) 
sent on an embassy to Anaxibius, 
VIL, i. 32, p. 200; left with four 
others at the head of the army, VII. 
ii. I, p. 202 

Philoxenus, of Pellene, his valour in 
attacking a fortress of the Drilae, 
Anab, V..it. 15, p. 137 

Phocaean, the, concubine of Cyrus, 
witty and beautiful, captured by the 
king, Anad, I. x. 2, p. 35 

Phoenicia, Abrocomas leaves, with 
three hundred thousand men, Azad. 
lV fin Danian le, Viluwae op mezcas 
VII. viii. 25, p. 240 ote 

Phoenicians, Myriandus inhabited by, 
Anab, I. iv. 6, p. 14 

Pholoe, Mount, game captured on, by 
Xenophon’s sons, Anad. V. iii. 10, 
p. 141; its site, 2b. note 1 

Phrasias, an Athenian officer, Axad. 
VI. v. 11, p. 186 

Phrygia, Cyrus marches through, 
Anab, I, il. 6, p. 4; Cyrus satrap of 
Lydia and Great, and Cappadocia, 
I. ix. 7, p. 32; Timasion knows 
every corner of the Aeolid and, and 
the Troad, V. vi. 24, p. 154; VII. 
Vili. 25, p. 240 note 

Phryniscus, an Achaean general, with 
Cleanor wishes to join Seuthes, 
Anab, VII. ii. 1, p. 202; with 
Xenophon visits Seuthes, 74. 29, 
p. 207; receives a pair of mules, 
VII. v. 4, p. 220; refuses to go on 
a campaign with Seuthes without 
Xenophon, 24. Io, p. 221 

Physcus, the river, Azad. II. iv. 25, p. 
54 

Pigres, a Persian, Cyrus's interpreter, 
Anab. I. ii 17; p. 7; Glus and, 


ordered to extricate wagons, I. v. 7, 
p. 18; with Cyrus before the battle, 
La Vill..t2) pass 

Pisidians, Cyrus meditates an expedi- 
tion against the, Aad. I. i. 11; I. 
ii. I, p. 33 his war with the, and 
Mysians, I. ix. 14, p. 33; the, a 
source of trouble to the Persians, IT. 
v. 13, p. 57; their independence, 
III. il. 23, p. 79 and xote 1 

Polus, a Laconian, succeeds Anaxibius 
as admiral, Azad. VII. ii. 5, p. 203 

Polycrates, an Athenian captain, sur- 
prises an Armenian village, Azad. 
IV. v. 24, p. 116; sent with a 
thirty-oared galley to collect vessels 
at Trapezus, V. i, 16, p. 135; visits 
Seuthes with Xenophon, VII. ii. 17, 
p. 205;- 20. 29, p. 207; put forward 
by Xenophon, denounces Hera- 
cleides, VII. vi. 41, p. 228 

Polynicus, a Lacedaemonian, agent of 
Thibron, with Charminus, Azad. 
VIlpvin 2, ps 2226020. 2On paccor 
26-43, P2295 VIL. Vil. ES) paeaol, 
7b, 56, p. 236 

Pontus, or Black Sea, Anad. V. i. 15, 
Pp: 1345 VeVi. 15 tolls; py usenolle 
Vie Vila 7s D2 P58 Vile tees oeigioe 
VI. v.. 20, p. 187; or Euxine 
IV. vill. 22, p. 230; Villaevanne) 
p. 221 

Procles, ruler of ‘Teuthrania, a de- 
scendant of Damaratus, the Lacon- 
ian, Anad. Il. i. 3, p. 39 and note 
1; IL. ii. 1, p. 43; rescues the party 
attacking Asidates, VII. viii. 17, p. 
239 

Proxenus, a Boeotian, a friend of 
Cyrus, joins him on an expedition 
against the Pisidians, Anaéd. I. i. 
II, p. 3; with rs0o hoplites and 
500 peltasts, I. ii. 3, p. 4; as an 
old friend invites Xenophon to join 
Cyrus on this expedition, III. 1. 4, 
p- 68; tries to reconcile Clearchus 
and Menon, I. v. 14, p. 20; holds 
Hellenic centre in the battle, I. viii. 
4, p. 27; Clearchus consults with, 
TX, 5; Da sO pe tepliccmmtOmmane: 
heralds from the king, II. i. ro, p. 
41; Xenophon and, II. iv. 15, p. 


INDEX 


53; made prisoner with the others 
by Tissaphernes, II. v. 31, p. 59; 
decapitated, II. vi. 1, p. 61; his 
character, II. vi. 16, p. 63, and 
note I p. 64; Xenophon’s speech 
to his officers, III. i. 15 foll., p 
70; dedicatory offering to Apollo, 


inscribed with names of Xenophon 
and, V. ii: 5, p: 140 

Psarus, a river in Cilicia, Azad. I. iv 
ie Shuai. 

Pylae, Babylonian and Cilician, see 
eGatese: 

Pyramus, a river in Cilicia, Anaé. I. 
SREP 9 pa) Syms} 


Pyrrhias, an Arcadian, Anab, VI. v. 
IL, p. £86 

Pythagoras, the Lacedaemonian ad- 
miral, joins Cyrus with thirty-five 
ships at Issi, Azad. I. iv. 2, p. 13 


Rhathines, Spithridates and, sent by 
Pharnabazus with their force to 
assist Bithynians, Azad. VI. v. 7, 
p- 186 

Rhodian slingers, a corps of, enrolled, 
their skill, Azad. III. iii. 16 foll., p. 
84 foll.; more than a match for the 
Persians, JIL ivsors;—p. 873) the 
clever device of a, to cross Tigris, 
Hey Ds OF 2 


Rhoparas, governor of Babylon, Anaé. 
VII. viii. 25, p. 240 xote 

Sacred Mountain, Azad. VII. i. 14, 
and) zote a p, 198; Vl. iti. 3; p. 


209 

Salamis, the battle of, Azad. III. ii. 
13, and nole 3 p. 77 

Salmydessus, the Hellenes with Seu- 
thes reach, Avad. VII. v. 12, and 
noté 2 Pp. 221 

Samolas, the Achaean, sent on an 
embassy to Sinope, Azad. V. vi. 
I4, Pp. 152; in command of a 
brigade, VI. v. 11, p. 186 

Sardis, Cyrus collects his various 
armaments at, Azad. I. il. 2, p. 3; 
sets out from, 2d. 6, p. 4; Xeno- 
phon overtakes Proxenus and Cyrus 
at, Ui, Sp: 69 


255 


Satyr, the, and Midas, king of Phrygia, 


Anah. Vil. 13, p. 6 

Scillus, Xenophon's estate at, in 
Triphylia, Azad. V. iii. 7, and note 
5p. 140 

Scythenians, the, Azad. IV. vii. 19, 
p. 124 

Scythians, the, bowmen, Azad. III. 


iv. 15 and note 3 p. 87 

Selinus, a river, at Scillus, 
river at Ephesus, 4zad. V. 
Dera 

Selybria, or Selymbria, Medosades 
meets Xenophon at, Anad. VII. ii. 
28, p. 207 ; Seuthes’ Hellenic army 
quartered above, VII. v. 15, and 
NOE Tp. 222 

Seuthes, a Thracian prince, son of 
Maesades (ex-king of the Odrysians, 
now dead), brought up at the court 
of Medocus, seeks to recover his 
empire, Azab, VII. nn. 32 foll., 
p. 207 foll.; sends Medosades to 
Xenophon at Chalcedon with over- 
tures to the army, VII. 1. 5, p. 196; 
later on Cleanor and Phryniscus 
wish to join, VII. il. 2; p. 202; 
renews overtures to Xenophon at 
Selybria, 2. 10, p. 204; from 
Perinthus Xenophon visits, by night, 
7b. 17, p. 205; claims relationship 
with the Athenians, 2¢. 31 and zoze 
I p. 207; meets the Hellenes, who 
agree to take the field with him, 
VII. iii. 7 foll., p. 209 foll. ; his 
royal entertainment, 24. 16 foll., p. 
210 foll. ; adopts Hellenic fashion 
of marching by night, zd. 37 foll., 
p. 214 foll. ; captures, 2d. 48, p. 
216; and burns certain villages, 
WAU, sii, 36 Ho, ja, Sade Rijarel 
Heracleides to Perinthus to dispose 
of booty ; his further proceedings 
against the Thynians and treatment 
of prisoners, 724. 76. foll. ; the 
Thynians submit to, 20, 22, p. 219; 
nm <the Delta,” VILL va 3) p:-.2205 
proceeds of spoil, how distributed 
by, 24. 2 foll., p. 220; his alienation 
from Xenophon, 2d. 7 foll., p. 220 
foll. ; reaches Salmydessus, 24. 12, 
p. 221 foll. ; augmented by Odry- 


like the, 
iil. 8, 


to 


56 


sians encamps above Selybria, 2d. 
I5, p. 222; and the Laconian 
envoys, VII. vi. 3 foll., p. 222 foll. ; 
introduces them to the Cyreians and 
listens to the debate, 2. 7 foll., 
p. 223 foll.; makes overtures to 
Xenophon through Abrozelmes, 7d. 
42, p. 229; Nenophon sent by the 
Laconian envoys reads, a lecture, 
VII. vii. 20 foll., p. 231 foll.; satis- 
fies the claims of the troops as far 
as is possible, 20. 55, p. 236 

Silanus, the Ambraciot, Cyrus’s sooth- 
sayer, receives ten talents, Axad. 
Tvils 18; p21 26); Ve veld, p: 2537 
spreads a story about Xenophon, 20. 
17 foll., p. 153 foll.; is threatened 
by the soldiers, 2d. 34, p. 156; 
charters a vessel and escapes from 
Heraclea, VI. iv. 13, p. 182 

Silanus, of Macistus, in Triphylia, a 
young trumpeter, Azad. VII. iv. 
16, p. 218 

Sinope, Hellenic city in Paphlagonia, 
a colony of Miletus, mother city of 
Cotyora ; with port Harmene, Azad. 
VI. i. 15, p. 169; a debate with 
ambassadors from, at Cotyora, V. 
v. 7, p. 147 foll.; an embassy sent 
to, V. vi. 13, p. 152; traders from 
Heraclea and, 72. 19, p. 153 

Sitalcas, the national Thracian hymn, 
Anab, VI. i. 6, p. 168 

Sittace, a city of Babylonia, on the 
Tigris, Azad. II. iv. 13, p. 53 

Smicres, the Arcadian general, Azad. 
VI. ili. 4, p. 176; is slain, 20. 5, p. 
177 

Socrates, the Athenian, son of Sophron- 
iscus, his feeling and advice to 
Xenophon in reference to Pro- 
xenus’s invitation to join Cyrus, 


Anab, Ill. i- 5, and mote 2 p. 
68 
Socrates, the Achaean, a friend of 


Cyrus, collects troops for him against 
Tissaphernes, Azad. I. i. 11, p. 3; 
joins Cyrus at Sardis, I. ii. 3, p. 4; 
is seized by Tissaphernes, II. v. 31, 
p. 59; and put to death, II. vi. 1, 
p. 61; his blameless character, II. 
vi. 30, p. 66 


INDEX 


Soli, a city of Cilicia, Anaéd, I. ii. 24 
p. 8 

Sophaenetus, an Arcadian (possibly 
Agias), joins Cyrus at Celaenae with 
one thousand hoplites, Amadé. I. ii. 
9, p. 5 and note 6 

Sophaenetus, the Stymphalian, a friend 
of Cyrus, collects troops for him 
against Tissaphernes, Azad. I. i. 11, 
p. 3; joins Cyrus at Sardis with one 
thousand hoplites, I. ii. 3, p. 4; 
with Cleanor and Xenophon inter- 
views Ariaeus, II. v. 37, p. 60; 
left in command of the camp, IV. 
iv. 19, p. 112; and Philesius, as 
eldest generals, put in charge of the 
detachment going by sea from 
Trapezus, V. iii. 1, p..139; fined 
for inadequate performance of a 
duty, V. viii. 1, p. 163; his cautious 
advice as to crossing a gully, VI. v. 
13, p- 186 

Sosis, of Syracuse, joins Cyrus at 
Celaenae with a thousand hoplites, 
Anab, I. ii. 9, p. 5 


| Soteridas, of Sicyon, and Xenophon, 


Anaé, III. iv. 47, p. 92 

Spartan, Dracontius a, Azad. IV. viii. 
25 pes0 

Spithridates and Rhathines sent by 
Pharnabazus with their force to 
assist the Bithynians, dad. VI. v. 
Tae Loo 

Stratocles, a Cretan commander, 
Anab, IV. ii. 29, p. 105 

Sun, an Armenian headman priest of 
the, Azad. IV. v. 35, p. 118 

SIEGE 2200 Mle bin, Py, oh yey JOULE yi. 
15, P: 95 

Syennesis, king of the Cilicians, Anad. 
I. ii. 12, p. 6; his palace, z@. 21, 
p. 8; the Cilician gates held by, I. 
lv. 4, p. 14; exchanges gifts with 
Cyrus; L127) pO 

Syria, the gates of Cilicia and, Azad. 
I. iv. 3 foll., p. 14; the palace of 
Belesys, ruler of, 2d. 9, p. 15 

Syrians, regard fish as gods, Avaé. I. 
iv. 9, Pp. I5 


Tamos, the Egyptian, Cyrus's admiral, 
Anabé, I. ii. 21, p. 8; brings fleet 


INDEX 


from Ephesus to Issi, I. iv. 2, p. 
£3}; Glussthe son'-of, LI. 4.3) p. 


37 

Taochians, the, Chalybians and, mer- 
cenaries. with Tiribazus, Azad. IV. 
iv. 18, p. 112; occupy a pass with 
Chalybes and Phasians, IV. vi. 5, 
p. 119; their strong places, one of 
which is stormed, IV. vii. 2 foll., 
p- 122 foll.; independent of the 
king of Persia, V. v. 17, p. 148 

Tarsus, a city of Cilicia, Azad. I. ii. 
23, p. 8; pillaged by Menon’s 
soldiers, 7d. 26, p. 8 

Teleboas, the river, Anad. IV. iv. 3, 
p. 110 

Temenite, Democrates a, Azad. IV. 
iv. 15 and zofe I p. 112 

Teres, the Odrysian, an ancestor of 
Seuthes, dzad. VII. ii. 22, p. 206 ; 
VII. v. 1 and zote 1 p. 220 

Teuthrania, Procles, ruler of, Azad. 
II. i. 3, p. 39; Halisarna and, VII. 
Vi, 17, P. 239 

Thapsacus, a city of Syria on the 
Euphrates, Azad, I. iv. 11, 18, p. 
16 foll. 

Tharypas, and Menon, Azad. II. vi. 
28, p. 65 

Thebe, the plain of, in Mysia, Anad. 
VII. viii. 7, p. 237 and note 4 

Theches, Mount, whence the Hellenes 
saw the sea, Azad, IV. vii. 21, and 
note 2p. 125 

Theogenes, a Locrian captain, Azad. 
VII. iv. 18, p. 219 

Theopompus, the Athenian, Azad. II. 
i. 12 and mole 2 p. 41 

Thermodon, the river, in Paphlagonia, 
TAAL. NewVieeOy) Pati) Vl. M2, 

- 173 

Thibron, a Lacedaemonian, his agents 
visit Seuthes to engage the Cyreians 
for a campaignagainst Tissaphernes, 
Anab, VII. vi. 1 foll., p. 222; 
means to put Xenophon to death, 
Seuthes has been told, 24. 43, p. 
229; Xenophon persuaded to hand 
over army in person to, VII. vii. 
57, p. 236; arrives and receives the 
troops, VII. viii. 24, p. 240 

Thorax, the Boeotian, Timasion and, 


Ss 


257 


make use of certain traders from 
Heraclea and Sinope, Azad, V. vi. 
1g foll., p. 153 foll.; his rivalry 
with Xenophon, zd. 25, p. 154 

Mhrace, Analy VAT. 1. 15, p. 1985 
Asiatic Thrace, Anaé. VI. iv. 1, p. 
180 

Thracian, the, square in Byzantium, 
Anab, VII. i. 24, p. 199 

Thracians, the, Clearchus and, Azad. 
eet Opepemein Ueniitn pr Oye Uleava: 
5, p. 61; his 800, peltasts, I. ii. 9, 
p- 5; his corps of mounted, I. v. 
13, p. 20; their dance, VI. i. 5 foll., 
p- 167 foll. ; Clearchus’s peltasts 
with Cheirisophus, VI. ii. 16, p. 
176; customs of the, at table, VII. 
iii, 21 foll., p. 212; their dress to 
resist cold, VII. iv. 4, p. 216; the 
highland, zd. x11, p. 217; their 
mode of flight, 72. 17, p. 218; the 
millet-eating, VII. v. 12, p. 221; 
at Salmydessus, wreckers, zd. 13, p. 
221; Asiatic, and the Arcadian 
division, near Calpe, VI. iii. 4 foll., 
p- 176 foll. 

Thymbrium, a city in Phrygia, Azad. 
It, 1 us5ep. 6 

Thynians, the, the most warlike people 
of European Thrace, Azad. VII. 
il. 22, p. 206; 20. 31, p. 207; VID. 
iv. I, p. 216; 2b. 14, p. 218; sub- 
mit to Seuthes, zd. 18, p. 219 

Tibarenians, the, Azad. V. v. 2 foll., 
p. 146 foll.; VII. viil. 25, p. 240 
note 

Tigris, the river, canals connecting, 
and Euphrates, Azad. I. vii. 15, 
p. 25; passage of, at Sittace, II. 
Iie ESR GOR HR rte eae, ek chin 
Larissa upon the, III. iv. 6, p. 86 
and mote 2; sources of, surmounted 
by the troops, IV. iv. 3, p. 110 

Timasion, the Dardanian, chosen gen- 
eral in place of Clearchus, Azad. 
Ill. i. 47, p- 74; VI. 1. 32, P. 
172; and Xenophon, being the two 
youngest generals in command of 
the “rear, Ill at. 37; p. 81; an 
exile from the Troad, knows every 
corner of the Aeolid, etc., having 
served under Clearchus and Dercy- 


258 


lidas, V. vi. 23, p. 154; informs 
certain traders from Heraclea and 
Sinope of Xenophon’s colonisation 
scheme, 22; 19; p. 153) foll’;) re- 
vives the scheme, 23. 36, p. 157; 
commands the cavalry in Xeno- 
phon’s division, while rescuing the 
Arcadians, VI. iii. 12, p. 178; and 
against the Bithynians, VI. v. 28, 
p. 188; and during the Thracian 
campaign with Seuthes, VII. iii. 46, 
p- 215; his goblets and Persian 
carpets, and present to Seuthes, 2d. 
18 foll., p. 21x foll.; receives a pair 
of mules, VII. v. 3, p. 220; refuses 
to campaign without Xenophon, 2d. 
TOypaceu 

Timesitheus, the Trapezuntine, pro- 
xenus of the Mossynoecians, Anad. 
V. iv. 2-4, p. 142 


Tiribazus, governor of Western 
Armenia, the ‘‘king’s friend,” 
Plpetie. NN SN Yl jen Suen AWVAUE 


Vill. 25, p. 240 mote; makes a treaty 
with the Hellenes, and marches 
beside them to certain villages, IV. 
iv. 4 foll., p. 110; plans to attack the 
Hellenic army as they cross a pass, 
26. 18, p. 112; the camp with the 
tent, etc. of, captured, zd. 21, p. 
113 
Tissaphernes, goes with Cyrus to 
Darius; accuses Cyrus to Arta- 
xerxes, Azad. I. 1, 2 foll., p. 1; 
Ionian cities belonging to, with the 
exception of Miletus, revolt to 
Cyrus; to defeat a similar con- 
spiracy in Miletus, he kills some 
of the citizens and banishes others, 
40.6, pi 2); see Iwix. O,p..39245) war 
between, and Cyrus, 2d. 8, p. 2; 
warns Artaxerxes of Cyrus’s designs, 
I. ii. 4, p. 4; is one of the king’s 
four generals, I. vii. 12, p. 25; I. 
viii. 9, p. 27; what became of, and 
his division in the battle, I. x. 5 
foll., p. 36; Phalinus and other 
heralds arrive from the king and, 
Il. i. 7, p. 40; sent on a deputa- 
tion with others, promises to conduct 
the army back to Hellas, II. iii. 17 
foll., p. 49; oaths and pledges ex- 


INDEX 


changed between, and the Hellenes, 
7b, 26, p. 50; his suspicious delay 
and conduct when the march com- 
mences, II. iv. 1, p. 50 foll.; hands 
over the villages of Parysatis to the 
Hellenes to plunder, 2d. 27, p. 55; 
interview of Clearchus with, II. v. 
2-25, Ppp. 55-59; entraps and puts 
to death five generals and twenty 
captains of the Hellenes, 24. 32, p. 
59; Mithridates and a relation of, 
present themselves at the Zapatas, 
III. iii. 4, p. 83 ; compact between 
Mithridates and, III. iv. 2, p. 85; 
abortive attack of, with a large army 
upon the Hellenes, 2d. 13, p. 87; 
hangs on the skirts of the Hellenic 
army with his skirmishers, 24. 18, 
p. 88; his army out-marched and 
out-manceuvred, witnesses the storm- 
ing of a pass, and finally retires 
burning their own villages, 2d. 32 
foll., pp. 90-93; the Lacedaemonians 
open a campaign against him, VII. 
Vi. I, Pi 222; 20. 7, p. 223% Dhib- 
ron with the Cyreians prosecutes 
the war against, and Pharnabazus, 
VII. viii. 24, p. 240 

Tolmides, the Eleian, ‘‘the best herald 
of his time,”’ with Clearchus, Azad. 
Ti 20, pr 465, [El ree4Gy paac 
ViPdinelS ps7 

Tralles, a town in Caria, Azad. I. iv. 
iy OH als 

Tranipsae, a Thracian tribe, Anad. 
VII. il. 32, p. 207 

Trapezus, a town of Pontus (mod. 
Trebizond), a colony of Sinope in 
Colchis, Azad. IV. viii. 22, p. 130 ; 
pays tribute to Sinope, V. v. 10, p. 
148 

Triphylia, see Scillus, p. 140 

Troad, the, Azad. V. vi. 24, p. 154; 
VIT, Vili. 7; Dp. 237, 

Tyriaeum, a town of Phrygia, Avad. 
Tell cAye pao 


Xanthicles, an Achaean, chosen as 
general in place of Socrates, Azad. 
Ill. i. 47, p. 74; condemned to 
pay a fine, V. viii. 1, p. 162 

Xenias, of Parrhasia in Arcadia, accom- 


INDEX 259 


panies Cyrus with three hundred 
hoplites on his visit to Darius, 
Anad, J. i. 2, p. 1; in command of 
Cyrus’s foreign troops in the cities ; 
joins Cyrus at Sardis, I. ii. 3, p. 4; 
celebrates the Lycaea at Peltae, 72. 
10, p. 6; in jealousy of Clearchus, 
with Pasion deserts Cyrus at Myri- 
andus, I. iv. 7, p. 14 


Xenophon, an Athenian, customary 


worship in his family, Azad. VII. | 
viii. 5, p. 237; how he came to| 


accompany Cyrus at the invitation 
of Proxenus his friend; the advice 
Socrates gave him on the subject, 
and how he followed it, III. i. 4, 
p. 68; a sign from Zeus the King 
sent him, as he sets out from Ephe- 
sus to associate himself with Cyrus 
at Sardis (cf. Cyvop. II. i. 1), VI. i. 
23, p. I71; agrees to join in an 
excursion against the Pisidians, III. 
i. 8, p. 69; his motive for con- 
tinuing the expedition when, in 
Cilicia, Cyrus's object was plain, 2. 
Io, p. 69; his conversation with 
Cyrus just before the battle, I. viii. 
15 foll., p. 28 foll.; and Proxenus, 
Il. iv. 15, p.—-533 “with Cleanor 
and Sophaenetus interviews Ariaeus 
wishing to hear news of Proxenus, 
after the seizure of the generals, 
Octs 22; B.C. 401, Il. vi. 37, p. 6o 
foll.; his answer to Ariaeus, 2d. 41, 
p- 61; his dream on the night of 
the 22nd, sent him by Zeus the King; 
its import, its immediate effect upon 
him, UIT> 1. xx foll., pi 695 gets 
up and calls together Proxenus’s 
officers; his speech to them, offer- 
ing to lead or follow as they think 
best, 20. 15-25, pp. 69-71; they, 
with one exception, Apollonides, 
beg him to lead, 2d. 26 foll., p. 71 
foll. ; with Proxenus’s officers sum- 
mons the generals and officers of 
the other divisions, about one 
hundred, who meet in the place of 
arms about midnight ; his speech, 
2b. 33 foll., p. 72 foll.; and Cheiri- 
sophus ; is chosen among the five 
new generals in place of Proxenus, 


$2 


2b. 47, p. 74; Speaks (for the third 
time) after Cheirisophus and Cleanor 
to the general meeting of the soldiers, 
in the early morning, arrayed in his 
finest apparel, III. ii. 7 foll., p. 75 
foll.; turns an omen from Zeus 
the Saviour happily to account, 2d. 
8, p. 76; at his suggestion they 
register a vow to pay offerings of 
salvation ‘‘according totheirability”’ 
(cf. Mem. I. ili. 3); continuing 
speech illustrates from Mysians and 
Pisidians (cf. AZem. III. v. 26); 
quotes Homer (Od. ix. 94); the 
germ of his colonisation scheme, 2d. 
26, p. 79 foll. and mote 1 p. 80; 
his proposals (1) to burn wagons, 
etc. ,(2) as to discipline, are put to the 
assembly by Cheirisophus and car- 
ried, 2b. 27-33, p. 80 foll.; his further 
proposals as to order of march and 
divisional commands; Cheirisophus, 
the Lacedaemonian, in the van, Cle- 
anor and Sophaenetus on the wings, 
Timasion and himself,’ as the two 
youngest, in the rear, also carried, 2. 
34-38, p. 8x foll. ; his final speech, 
z6, 39, p. 82; his probable age, 
note t p. 82; his method of work- 
ing the rearguard ; blamed by Chei- 
risophus and the elder generals for 
useless exposure of himself and men ; 
admits the mistake; his excuse; 
points out need of slingers and 
cavalry; his proposals to supply 
the defect; his own horses; his 
proposals carried, a corps of slingers 
and fifty horse equipped (cf. Azp- 
parch.), III, iii. 8-20, pp. 83-85; his 
remarks on new tactical formation, 
Iieeive Tom toll p.8 GS, a follies 
summoned by Cheirisophus to the 
front; consulted as to how the 
enemy should be dislodged from a 
commanding position on. the right 
where the army must pass; offers 
as the younger to occupy a height 
above the point in question, but 
stipulates for a division of light 
infantry; races the enemy, and 
seizes the point, 2d. 38-49, pp. 9I- 
93; and Soteridas, 7d. 47 foll., p. 


260 


g2; and Cheirisophus; his happy 
remark when the Persians took to 
burning their own villages, III. v. 
4-6, p. 93 foll.; in command of 
the rear (as usual) as they enter Car- 
duchia; difficulties sustained by ; 
takes Cheirisophus to task for not 
waiting; his two prisoners ques- 
tioned as to the road, IV. i. 6-25, 
pp. 97-100; with his rearguard 
draws off the enemy’s attention 
from the storming party; with 
the rearguard follows the path 
taken by the storming party as 
being best for beasts; his conduct 
of this division through a hard 
struggle; at one point is left by 
his shield-bearer and protected by 
Eurylochus of Lusia ; with Cheiri- 
sophus arranges to recover the dead, 
IV. ii. 2-23, pp. 101-104; his pro- 
phetic dream at the Centrites (see 
above, p. 69), his stratagem to 
cross, IV. ill. 8-34, pp. 106-110; 
rouses himself to get up in the snow ; 
his) example, LVeiv. x2) folk, sp: 
rrr foll.; relieves some men suffer- 
ing from boulimia ; saves a party of 
men who had fallen out owing to 
cold and fatigue; with his men forced 
to bivouac in the open without 
fire and supperless ; kindly entreats 
the head-man of an Armenian vil- 
lage, and presents him with a 
favourite old horse, IV. v. 7-28, pp. 
114-117; his one quarrel with 
Cheirisophus; his plan for steal- 
ing across a mountain barrier, and 
exchange of raillery with Cheiriso- 
phus as to stealing, IV. vi. 1-19, pp. 
118-121; his suggestions for storm- 
ing a Taochian fortress adopted, 
IV. vii. 4 foll., p. 122 foll. ; with 
the rearguard approaching Mount 
Theches, 2d. 22 foll., p. 125; and 
the light infantry soldier who re- 
cognises the speech of the Ma- 
crones, IV. viii. 4 foll., p. 126 foll.; 
advises a change of tactics in storm- 
ing a hill held by the Colchians, his 
proposal carried, and carried out 
successfully ; quotes Homer (Z/. iv. 


INDEX 


35), 2. 10 foll., p. 127 foll.; his 
advice how to employ their time 
at Trapezus whilst awaiting Cheiri- 
sophus’s return with vessels; his 
proposals with one exception car- 
ried; his advice to the cities to con- 
struct roads, V. i. 5-14, p. 133 foll.; 
leads half the army to attack the 
Drilae, his tactics in storming their 
chief fastness and in retiring from 
the place, V. ii. 8 foll., pp. 135-138; 
receives his portion as one of the 
five generals of the tithe selected for 
Apollo and Artemis at Cerasus ; 
history of what he did with his share, 
V. iii. 4-13, pp. 140-142 (see below); 
and the Mossynoecian chiefs, V. iv. 
4, p. 142; his speech at a meeting of 
the soldiers in reference to a disaster 
shared by some of themselves who 
had fought without orders, zd. 19 
foll., p. 144; his speech to the am- 
bassadors from Sinope defending 
the conduct of the army towards 
the Cotyorites, V. v. 13 foll., p. 
148 foll.; states to the ambassadors 
their decision to go by sea, if the 
Sinopeans will supply ships, V. vi. 
12 foll., p. 152; his colonisation 
scheme: how the thought shaped 
itself in his mind; with Silanus 
consults the victims; intrigues in 
consequence; and Timasion and 
Thorax, 26. 15-25, pp. 152-155; his 
apology ; explains his habit of 
sacrificing ; as to the particular pro- 
ject has ‘‘done with that dream” ; 
his proposal to keep the army to- 
gether by all means and set off for 
Hellas carried, Silanus alone dis- 
senting, 20. 28-34, pp. 152-156; the 
Heracleots and, 20. 35, p. 156; the 
generals and, 2d. 36, p. 157; Neon 
sets a new story afloat concerning, 
V. vii. x foll., p. 157; calls a general 
meeting ; his speech in self-defence, 
and warning against a real danger 
looming; in reference to what 
happened at Cerasus, resolutions 
are passed and prosecutions insti- 
tuted, and further upon his repre- 
sentation, with the concurrence of 


INDEX 261 


the soothsayers, it is resolved to 
purify the army, 20. 3-35, pp. 157- 
162; it being further resolved that 
the generals themselves should 
undergo a judicial examination in 
reference to their conduct in past 
time, he is accused of tps, and 
defends himself successfully against 
that charge, V. vill. 1-26, pp. 163- 
166; offer of the sole command to, 
at Harmene; his reflections thereon, 
and refusal on religious grounds, VI. 
i. 19-31, pp. 170-172; Dexippus’s 
evil words against, according to 
Cheirisophus, 24. 32, p. 172; and 
Cheirisophus decline to exact money 
from the Heracleots against their 
will; VI. ii: 6, p: 17473 -at—the 
division of the army into three, at 
Heraclea, is at a loss with whom to 
go; wished to be quit of the expedi- 
tion and sail home, but on sacrificing 
to Heracles the Leader, ‘‘ whether 
he should stay in charge of the 
faithful soldiers, or depart,’’ the god 
said ‘‘ stay,” 26. 13-15, p. 175; his 
division, seventeen hundred hoplites, 
three hundred peltasts, and the 
squadron of forty horse, 2d, 16, p. 
176 ; takes ship and disembarks on 
the confines of Thrace and the 
Heracleotid, and so into the heart 
of the country, 76. 19, p. 176; 
hearing of a disaster to the Arcadian 
division pushes on to rescue them, 
joins them at Calpe, VI. iii. 10-26, 
pp. 178-180; the idea that ‘‘ some- 
body’’ wished to found a city there, 
resented by the soldiers, VI. iv. 9, 
p. 181; the army next day having 
voted to resume its old position 
under the former generals, he pro- 
poses to sacrifice for battle, and the 
victims proving unfavourable it is 
said that he has persuaded the seer 
to say so in his desire to colonise 
the place, zd. 12-14, p. 182 foll. ; 
sacrifices again without success ; his 
speech ; and again, his speech pro- 
posing to fortify Calpe, and leave 
a detachment in possession, 24. 17- 
20, p. 183; sacrifices and goes out 


to rescue Neon and a party,of men ; 
returns at night, 7d. 25, p. 184; 
after a harassing night, with the 
other generals leads the men inside 
the fastness, VI. v. 1, p. 185; sacri- 
fices next morning for an expedi- 
tion; omen of an eagle ; bidden by 
the seer Arexion to lead on; Neon 
being left to guard the camp, 2d. 2 
foll., p. 185 ; his flying columns, zd. 
9, p. 186; and Sophaenetus, as to 
crossing a gully, 2d. 14, p. 187; 
his watchword, Zeus the Saviour, 
Heracles the Guide, his victory over 
the Bithynians and Pharnabazus’s 
cavalry; returns to Calpe, 2d. 22 foll., 
p. 188 foll.; envoys come to him, as 
founder of the new city, he introduces 
them to the soldiers, VI. vi. 4 foll., 
p- 190 foll. ; on Cleander’s arrival aids 
the other generals in restraining the 
men who are for stoning Dexippus, 
and explains the matter to Cleander, 
20. 5 foll., p. 190 foll.; and Agasias 
and Cleander, who is pacified, 2d. 
9 foll., p. 191 foll.; consorts with 
Cleander friendlily, 22. 35, p. 195; 
continues the march through 
Bithynia until they reach Chrysopolis 
where they dispose of the booty by 
sale, 26. 38, p. 195 ; his answer to 
Anaxibius’s envoys; his desire to 
return home ; persuaded to remain 
until they had crossed to Byzantium, 
VIL. i. 4, p. 196; and Medosades, 
agent of Seuthes, zd. 5, p. 196; 
crosses to Byzantium ; pays a fare- 
well visit to Cleander; detained 
again, 7. 8, p. 197; prevents 
soldiers sacking Byzantium, zd. 18 
foll., pp. 198-200; through Cleander 
obtains leave to enter Byzantium, as 
he is starting homewards ; is to go 
with Anaxibius; bids the soldiers 
good-bye, 2d, 38 foll., p. 201; 
accompanies Anaxibius to Cyzicus 
and Parium, where Aristarchus, 
Cleander’s successor, meets them ; 
is bidden by Anaxibius, who finds 
Pharnabazus cold, to rejoin the 
Cyreian army which has marched to 
Chersonese, and keep it together 


262 INDEX 


(Anaxibius puts a triaconter at his 
service and gives him a letter to 
the Perinthians) ; rejoins army at 
Selybria, VII. ii. 8 foll., p. 203 
foll., and Aristarchus, the new 
harmost, who intervenes, and at 
Perinthus forbids him to take the 
troops across to Asia, 7d. 12, p. 
204; getting wind of a plot ‘‘he 
would be seized and either meet 
some ill fate there or be delivered up 
to Pharnabazus,’’ turns back on the 
ground that he has a sacrifice to 
make; he asks, ‘‘ would the gods 
allow him to try and bring the army 
over to Seuthes?”’ since to cross was 
unsafe and to be cooped up in 
Chersonese terrible ; the victims are 
favourable to his project, 2d. 12 foll., 
p. 204 foll.; with Polycrates and 
others visits Seuthes by night, 72d. 
17," 2055) and Seuthes, 20.) 20 
foll., p. 206 foll.; in case of diffi- 
culties (with Lacedaemon) Seuthes 
offers to make him his son-in-law 
and to give him Bisanthe, and so 
the deputation returns, 24. 35 foll., 
p. 208; explains the situation to 
the soldiers, proposing they should 
go where they can get provisions 
and decide between Seuthes and 
Aristarchus; addresses the soldiers, 
not counting Neon’s men; with the 
army meets Seuthes who leads them 
to some villages to get provisions ; 
Seuthes stipulates with, that the 
army, if they follow him, should 
never be more than seven days’ 
journey from the sea; at a meeting 
puts the motion to the vote; it is 
carried unanimously and they take 
the field with Seuthes, VII. iii. x 
foll., p. 208 foll.; in a dilemma at 
the royal entertainment; his after 
dinner speech ; presents the soldiers ; 
drains the cup fraternally, 2d. 20 
foll., p. 211 foll.; his advice to 
Seuthes to follow Hellenic order on 
the night march, 2d. 37, p. 214; 
an instance of his youthful activity ; 
part played by him in capturing 
some Thracian villages, 2d, 45 foll., 


p. 215 foll.; sent with the youngest 
hoplitesagainstsome upland villages; 
explains the nature of Episthenes to 
Seuthes ; encamped with a picked 
force in dangerous quarters on the 
hills; interviewed by a party of 
the mountaineers, undertakes to 
arrange a truce, but is attacked 
next night by a party who set the 
village on fire; gallant escape and 
defeat of the assailants ; successful 
expedition with Seuthes against 
these mountaineers who supplicate 
for terms ; his generous answer to 
Seuthes concerning their fate, VII. 
iv. 6 foll., p. 217 foll.; offered the 
pick of the spoils on the return 
of Heracleides, begs that his col- 
leagues should be rewarded first ; 
reproaches Heracleides for having 
brought back by his trafficking only 
two-thirds of the pay due; annoys 
Heracleides thus, and Seuthes, by 
constantly demanding the soldiers’ 
pay, so that the latter seems to 
forget all about the’ sea - board 
fortresses ; consequently hesitates as 
to marching farther up the country ; 
Timasion, Phryniscus, and Cleanor 
will not continue the campaign 
without ; overtures to, who with the 
rest agrees to a further campaign 
to Salmydessus and back toSelybria; 
annoyance of the soldiers with, 
because there is no pay, VII. v. 2 
foll., p. 220 foll.; his character as 
described by Seuthes and Hera- 
cleides to two Laconian agents from 
Thibron, who is anxious to avail 
himself of the troops, VII. vi. 4 
foll., p. 223; an Arcadian upbraids 
him to the Laconian envoys for 
selfishly keeping them in Thrace 
instead of letting them join the 
Laconians ; defends himself, show- 
ing that his conduct was un- 
selfish; the testimony of the 
Laconian agent Charminus, who 
repeats what they had been told of 
his character, 26. 8-39, pp. 223-228 ; 
Polycrates put forward by, pro- 
poses to seize Heracleides, who is 


oper ee 


ie te) 


INDEX 263 


a false Hellene, 24. 41, p. 228; 
Seuthes sends his private interpreter 
to, begging him to stay with a 
thousand hoplites, renews his 
promise about the sea-board places, 
and advises him that Thibron means 
to put him to death; similar 
messages coming from other quarters 
warning him that he was calum- 
niated and should be on his guard ; 
he sacrifices to Zeus the King, ‘‘shall 
he stay with Seuthes or depart,” 


and the god answers ‘‘ depart,” 2d. | 


43 foll., p. 229 ; Medosades in the 


presence of an Odrysian chief orders | 


him to be gone out of the land and 
not injure his territory ; his reply to 


this attack ; Medosades urges him | 
to summon the two Laconians to | 
hear his expostulations; he does so, | 
suggesting to the Laconians what | 
answer to make, so as to recover | 


the pay that is due; he puts to 


Medosades a crucial question ; as a | 


result of the interview is sent with a 
serviceable’ staff, along with Medo- 
sades, to Seuthes, VII. vii. 2-19, pp. 
229-231; reads Seuthes a lecture, 
26, 20-47, Ppp. 229-235; Seuthes 


penitently promises to pay, and) 


renews his offers to, who courteously 
refuses and with friendly assurances 
departs; his jest 
talent; his words ‘‘somewhere I 
may rise to honour”’ (cf. Hed/. III. 
ii. 9), 26. 48-54, p. 235 foll. ; 
soldiers glad to see him back, he 
hands over the property to the 
Laconian agents, 24. 55 foll., p. 
236; his own intention to return 
home (which he was free to do at 
this date) postponed, at the request 
of the authorities, who begged him 
first to hand over the army to 
Thibron, 24. 57, p. 236; crossing 
with the troops to Lampsacus meets 
Eucleides, the soothsayer of his 
family, who congratulates him on 
his safety, but is surprised at his 
lack of gold; Eucleides can hardly 
believe it, but seeing how sorry a 
sacrifice he offers to Apollo in his 


touching the | 


presence, is persuaded of the fact ; 
the real obstacle discovered by the 
soothsayer tobe Xenophon’s self, and 
Zeus Meilichios a further obstacle, 
he is persuaded to sacrifice in the 
‘‘old customary way’’; does so at 
Ophrynium, offering a holocaust of 
swine after the custom of his 
family, and the signs are favourable, 
VII. vili. r-5, p. 237; Bion and 
Nausicleides, two agents, hospitably 
entertained by, repurchase for him 
a horse which he had sold at 
Lampsacus for fifty darics, sus- 
pecting that he had parted with it 
out of need, and hearing he was 
fond of the beast, refuse to be 
remunerated, 73, 6, p. 237; at 
Pergamus, is entertained at the 
house of Hellas, wife of Gongylus, 
the Eretrian, and mother of Gorgion 
and Gongylus (cf. Hed/. III. i. 6); 
she suggests to him the capture of 
Asidates, a Persian notable (her 
cousin and a friend, Daphnagoras, 
are to go too); he and they 
sacrifice ; victims promise success ; 
he takes the pick of his friends, e.g. 
Agasias, as he wishes to do them a 
good turn; misadventure ; with his 
friends, rescued by Procles, 2d, 
8-18, p. 238 foll. ; sacrifices next 
day; leads out the whole army ; 
captures Asidates and all that he 
had; his cause for gratitude to God, 
since the Laconians, the officers, 
the other generals, and the soldiers 
united to give him the pick of horses, 
cattle teams, etc., so that he was 
now in a position himself to do 
another a good turn, 26. 20-23, p. 
240; incorporates the troops with 
Thibron’s Hellenic forces who pro- 
ceed to prosecute a war against 
Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, 20. 


24, P. 240 


Xerxes, his palace and citadel at 


Celaenae, Anad. I. il. 9, PD. 5; 
conquered by land and sea, III. ii. 


13, P- 77 


Zapatas, the river (the greater Zab), 


264 


a tributary of the Tigris, Azad. II. 
v. I, p. 55; passage of the, ITI. iii. 


0; P83 

Zelarchus, clerk of the market at 
Cerasus, Anad. V. vii. 24, p. 160; 
26, 29, p. 161 

Zeus, the Saviour, an omen from, 
Anab. Ill. ii. 9, p. 76; thank- 


offerings to, at Trapezus, IV. viii. 
24, p. 130; a watchword, VI. v. 
25, p. 188; the King, named to 


INDEX 


Xenophon by the oracle at Delphi, 
VI. i. 22, p. 170; gives Xenophon 
a sign when setting out from Ephe- 
sus, 26. 23, p. 171; Xenophon’s 
dream on the night of the murder of 
the officers, sent to him by, zd. and 
Ill. 1. 12, p. 69; Metlichios, an 
obstacle to Xenophon, VII. viii. 4, 
p-. 237 and note 

Zeus, the temple of, in Olympia, 
Anaé. V. iii, 11, p. 141 


Ne a a 


———————— 


NOTE on ANABASIS V, ii. 4 foll., p. 140 foll. 


History of what Xenophon did with his share of the tithe selected for Apollo 
and Artemis of the Ephesians, as described above p. 140 foll. 


Out of the one portion he caused a dedicatory offering to be made and 
dedicated among the treasures of the Athenians at Delphi. It was inscribed 
with his own name and that of Proxenus his friend. The gift for Artemis was 
first left buried in Asia, when he left that part of the world himself (in 
B.C. 394) with Agesilaus on the march into Boeotia. It was entrusted to 
Megabyzus, the sacristan of the goddess, who, if he came alive out of the 
expedition, was to restore him the deposit ; but should evil befall him, was to 
cause to be made and dedicated on his behalf to Artemis whatsoever thing he 
thought would be pleasing to the goddess. After his banishment, when 
established by the Lacedaemonians as a colonist in Scillus near Olympia, 
Megabyzus arrived on his way to Olympia, as a spectator to attend the games 
[probably anno 384 B.c.], and restored to him the deposit. With the money 
Xenophon bought for the goddess a plot of ground, at a point indicated to him 
by the oracle, the scenery of which curiously resembled that of the shrine at 
Ephesus. Here with the sacred money he built an altar and a temple, and 
every year tilled the fruits and did sacrifice to the goddess. His own lads 
with those of the other citizens always made a hunting excursion against the 
festival day. [Xenophon left Scillus at a certain date, as the zmperfects in the 
above passage show ; possibly he was driven out when the Eleians recovered 
the Triphylia soon after the battle of Leuctra, B.C. 371. ] 


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